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    Work in Stone 608 
Work in Iron... 611  
Work in Copper, Brass, and Silver. 624
Woman's Tailor-Work 627  
Dyes 628
Dressing of Skins and Cutting of Thongs 629  
Basket-Work 629  
Ancient Pottery 637


         Work in Stone. — To judge from the stone implements preserved, it would seem that the Koryak, prior to their acquaintance with metals, had not fully acquired the art of making polished stone implements. At the present time, — which is still a period of transition from the use of stone to that of metal, — the stone tools still in use among them are mainly made by chipping.

         With the exception of the stone tables and hammers, which are used without any artificial finish, just as they are found in the beds and on the banks   of   rivers,    all    the    stone    implements 1   mentioned    before   (see Figs.

35-137) are  fashioned by means of chipping. Stone hatchets, spear-heads, harpoon-points, and scrapers for dre - sing skin, which are still in use, are roughly chipped out with small bone hammers (Fig. 134). The stone to be chipped is held in the left hand, the hammer in the right, and with its broad end the blows are delivered from above downwards on the edges of the stone. The thumb of the left hand is protected against accidental blows of the bone hammer by a bone thimble, and the fore- finger by a ring 2 (Fig.   134, b, c).

         In the numerous irregular scratches on  the broad end of the hammer may be discerned   the   traces   from   blows on the uneven   stone  edges.     Bone rings are at present also used for protecting the fingers in carving wood with  iron knives.


Fig. 134. a, Bone Flaker; b,c Finger- Protectors.

         Formerly stone arrow-heads were also made with the bone flaker here described. Fig. 135 shows three flint arrow-points. Such points have now gone out of use. Those in my collection were either obtained from people who preserved them as amulets or as keepsakes, or they were found by me in excavating ancient underground  dwellings.

1   See p. 569.

2   It is interesting to compare with the small bone hammer of the Koryak a similar flaker for making arrow-
points, of the Eskimo of Baffin Land, and their method of protecting the left hand against blows when chipping
(see Boas, Baffin-Land Eskimo, Fig. 83, p. 63).




         Fig. 136 represents a spear-head (a),1 a harpoon-point (b), and an unfin-ished harpoon-point (c) of flint. The arrows and harpoon-heads are mostly made of flint, but partly of obsidian, which was formerly imported from Kam-chatka. Spear-heads are made of flint as well as of quartz. Hatchets (see Fig. 103)   and   stone   skin-scrapers are  made  mostly of quartz pebbles.     The

hatchets are chipped very little. The Koryak use for this purpose flat stones with somewhat sharp  edges, found in the river-valleys.

         Fig. 137 represents ancient slate knives for skin-cutting and other house-hold work. The knives shown in a and 6 were found by me in excavating the ancient dwellings mentioned above; while c was found in the possession of a Koryak woman in the village of Kamenskoye, who treasured it as a keepsake. In the village of Kuel I found a fragment of such a knife used as a scraper. These relics exhibit traces of grinding and polishing. According to the Koryak, the edges of the knives were whetted with a flint or bone tool. The more or less even surfaces of the sides of the knives may be explained as due to the nature of the material, which readily splits into thin plates.

         Sandstone ear-ornaments (Fig. 138, a) and pendants of braids (b) have also been finished by grinding. Stone ornaments of this kind are still worn by women in the villages of the Maritime Koryak. Nowadays they are finished with iron knives, and the perforations are bored with iron drills. Stone ear-rings are suspended from the ears by sinew-thread, or brass rings are passed through them,  which are then  put into the ears.

1 A stone spear with shaft is shown in Fig. 93, p. 552.



         Now here among the Koryak did I find polished axes for wood-chopping. The chipped hatchets mentioned above could not have served this purpose. I found a polished stone axe among the Yukaghir on the Kolyma tundra. Steller1 says that the Kamchadal used to polish stone implements by grinding them on stones. Dittmar 2  speaks of Kamchadal stone axes with polished blades.     It   is   hard  to believe that the  Koryak  never had any polished stone

axes. However,  for wood-working,  they made more use of bone wedges and of the bone adze.

         Among the stone objects for household use should also be mentioned the stone lamps spoken of before3 and the head-piece of the fire-drill.4 Stone lamps are made, for the most part, of sandstone bowlders, in the upper side of which   a   cavity  for the oil is made by means of an adze or chisel.     For

1  Steller, p. 319.                2 Dittmar, p. 214.                         3 See Fig. 99, p. 566.

4  See Part I, Fig. 2, e, p. 33.




and the Yakut,  had been working it for a long time.     Thus we may readily conceive   that   long   before   the   Koryak  and other northern   natives met with the   Russians,   iron   tools   had   come into the  hands of those tribes through a long series of exchanges.     Thus,  for instance,  on  the  Kolyma tundra I heard members   of a   northern   Yukaghir   clan   tell,   that,  previous to the arrival of the   Russians,   they   had   had   an   iron   axe,   the   property   of the whole clan, which    was    in   the   keeping   of  "the   Old   Man,"   and   was   carried   over   the whole   tundra   whenever   there   happened   to   be   need   anywhere  of knocking down   or   cutting   in   two   a   thick  stout   tree,   which   it   was  very hard to do with   stone   axes.      An   acquaintance   of  this   kind,   or   even   of  a   somewhat higher   degree,   may  have   existed  also  among the  Koryak.     They may have  obtained  iron   objects,  on  the one hand  from  a Japanese source,1 through the Kurilians   and   Kamchadal;2   on   the   other   hand,   from a anchurian-Chinese source,   through   the   Tungus.     According to historical  data,  based on reports of the   Cossacks   who  had reached the  mouth  of the Okhota  River in   1652, the   Tungus   living  there were armed with  iron and bone weapons, and  clad in   iron   armor.3     There   is   still   a    third   source from which,  during the pre- Russian   period,   iron   objects   may  have been  derived.     I  refer  to the Yakut who represent the  Mongol-Turkish people,  who  not only knew the metal and the   art   of  forging   it,   but   also   the art of smelting iron from iron ores.4

         Iron armor,5 which supplanted the older leather or bone armor, or was still in use alongside of them, has, in my opinion, been known to the Koryak prior to their meeting with the  Russians.

         Let us now turn to the question of the beginning of blacksmithing  among the Koryak. From which tribe did the Koryak learn to forge iron ? To answer this question, too, is not easy. But since only in barter can there be   intermediaries   between   producer and consumer,  while in  learning a trade

1  The Japanese  armor  found  by  Bogoras  among  the   Chukchee in the northern tundra must evidently have
reached there through pre-Russian commercial exchange (see Bogoras, The Chukchee, Vol. VII of this series, pp. 54,
164, and Fig. 85).

2  The Cossacks who were sent from Anadyr in 1696 to conquer Kamchatka found Japanese documents in the
Koryak dwellings of North Kamchatka.    A little later they discovered, near Tighil, a Japanese vessel that had been
wrecked  (see  Slovtzoff, Historical Survey of Siberia, p 136). This points to the possibility of occasional but direct
intercourse in the past between the Koryak and Japanese.

3  See Supplement to the Judicial Acts, III, pp. 333, 334.

4  For data concerning the role of the Turkish tribes (to which the Yakut belong) in spreading the knowledge
of iron-work in  Siberia, see  R.   Andree,   Die   Metalle  bei den Naturvölkern mit Berücksichtigungen prähistonscher
Verhältnisse (Leipzig,   1884),  pp.   126,   [27.     Popoff (Zeitschrift   fur  Ethnologie,   1878,  p.   461), in referring to the
statement (mentioned  by  me in the  text)  concerning the iron weapons and armor of the Okhotsk Tungus at their
first  meeting with  the  Russians,  expresses  the opinion  that the Okhotsk Tungus had become acquainted with iron
objects  through the Yakut; but considering the fact that the Yakut are comparatively recent arrivals in the extreme
northeast  of Siberia, and  that  the  northern  Tungus are supposed to have come north prior  to the Yakut, from the
district  of the  Amur River, it may  be fully  admitted that their acquaintance with iron, in one way or another, is
more   ancient,  and   derived   ultimately   from  a  Manchurian-Chinese  source.      Even   in   the   most   ancient   European
statements  concerning the  ancient   Manchurians, who are kindred to the Tungus, mention  is made of their helmets
and  cuirasses  made   of scale-like  iron  plates fastened  to  one another with nails, or arranged on a skin foundation
(on  this question see Schrenck.  II, p. 259, and his references to  Neuhof and Witsen).

5 See Fig. 98, p. 562; and Plate XXIX, Fig.  1.



are   no   beds   of ore,  depend,  in the development of blacksmithing,  upon the tribes   that   know   how   to   smelt   iron  from  ore.1     Excepting the Yakut, who came to the north  in  comparatively recent times,  the civilized nations nearest to   the   Koryak   that   have   developed   the   art of metallurgy  — the Japanese and  Chinese — were separated from  them by tribes which,  even  if they did adopt   from   the   former   the   art   of  blacksmithing,   did   not   learn   the art of mining.     Thus,  leaving out the Kamchadal, — from a technical point of view, evidently a tribe less gifted  than the  Koryak,    the Koryak  were separated from   the   Japanese   by   the  Ainu and  Gilyak,  who,  as Schrenck  has proved,2 had acquired  the blacksmith's art from  the Japanese.     From  the Chinese and from the Yakut the  Koryak were separated by Tungus tribes.

         According to historical data, the first Russian conquerors of Siberia not infrequently had blacksmiths in their parties; but when compelled to work ores, they often had recourse to natives expert in this line of work, such as the Tartar and Yakut.3  In the 'seventeenth century the higher authorities of Siberia more than once addressed to the Moscow Government requests to send "experts on  ores" to Siberia.

         During the early times of the conquest of Siberia, the Russian Govern-ment forbade the selling of arms, powder, and lead to those natives who were as yet unpacified. Krasheninnikoff says of the Kamchadal4  that it was forbidden to sell them iron tools and copper dishes, lest they might make side-arms for use against the Russians. Such conditions could not advance the development of the art of metal-working among those natives of Siberia who previous to that period  had  not been  familiar with it.

         Of course, the blacksmith's art could develop among the Koryak only after the Russians began to sell tools freely and to import iron as material for manufacturing tools. At present the Russian Government, among other things, keeps bar and block iron and tools in the depot established in the village of Kushka (the residence of the chief of the district), at the mouth of the Gishiga River, to be sold to the natives of the Gishiga district at a price  equal to the cost price in Vladivostok plus transport expenses by steamer to Gishiga.

         It is difficult to say exactly when blacksmithing developed as a regular home industry among the Koryak. We find the first printed data concerning the Koryak as blacksmiths in Dittmar's5  descriptions. These refer to the middle of the nineteenth century.

1 On  the  location of iron-beds in the Kamchadal and Koryak territories, see Krasheninnikoff, I, p. 304; Pal-
las, Neue nordische Beiträge, 1793, V, p. 271; Dittmar, pp. 281, 363.

2 See Schrenck, II, p. 255.

3 See. for example, Slovtzoff, Historical Survey of Siberia, pp. 43, 88.

4 See Krasheninnikoff, II, p. 48.

5 See Dittmar, Die Koräken, p. 11.



the eighteenth  century  were also double.1   The Gilyak and Ainu blacksmiths, too,   use   double  bellows2 as described  above,  a fact in  which Schrenck finds proof that both  tribes  had borrowed  the blacksmith's art from one source, - the Japanese. As for the Tungus, to judge by statements made by Georgi,3 their blacksmiths used simple bellows. Schrenck and Maak give the same information concerning the Gold.4  Schrenck, by the way, draws from this circumstance the conclusion that the Gold and the Gilyak had acquired the blacksmith's art from different sources, — the former from the Manchu- Chinese,  the latter from Japan.

         We   see   that   between   the   Siberian   peoples   using   double   bellows,  -i. e., between the Mongol-Turks and Ainu-Gilyak, — there live Tungus tribes that employ or formerly employed simple bellows. It seems uncertain whether the invention of the Asiatic double bellows belongs to any single people, the more so, as double bellows are met with not only in India and Malaysia, but even among the primitive blacksmiths of Africa. The group exhibited in the Paris Ethnographic Museum in the Trocadéro, and repres- enting a negro blacksmith with his assistant sitting between two leather bellows, vividly recalled to me the Yakut blacksmith.6 Still it must be said that the small double bellows of the Siberian blacksmith,  consisting only oftwo bags, must have been invented by a nomadic tribe. Two small skin bags, with a small anvil and a pair of hammers and tongs, are easy to adjust anywhere, and not difficult to carry from place to place. The Yakut black- smith has remained until our time to a considerable degree an itinerant  artisan. Usually the customer does not come to him, but he goes with his smithy to the wealthy Yakut to fill his orders. The principle of the double bellows, designed to force an uninterrupted current of air into the furnace, is doubtless superior to that of the single bellows. On this principle are built the modern factory bellows, which are operated by automatic communi- cators. It must be supposed that among the more primitive blacksmiths, too, the double bellows, if not borrowed from another tribe along with black- smithing,  are  not of the  oldest type. 

         The inconvenience of the double bellows above described consists in the necessity of having assistance in all work, as it is inconvenient for the smith now to occupy a position between  the leather bags and  then to jump out to

1 See P. S. Pallas, Sammlungen histovischer Nachrichten über die Mongolischen Völkerschaften, I, Plate V.

2 See Schrenck, II, p. 255.

3 Georgi, Part III, p. 45.

4 See Schrenck, II, p. 254; and Maak, Journey to the Amur, St. Petersburg, 1859, pp. 175 and 207. I did not
happen to see modern bellows of the Tungus nearest to the Koryak; but the Tungus of the Yakut Province, i. e.,
neighbors of the  Yakut,  at   present  use,  as I stated above, the double bellows, evidently adopted from the Yakut.

5 The ancient Egyptians already employed double bellows. Judging by ancient drawings, they consisted of
two vessels covered with skin. A slave stepped in turn with his feet, now on one and then on the other leather
d of the vessel, and at the same time opened the aperture in the other vessel. Andree (Die Metalle bei den Natur-
volkern, p. 4 ) supposes that from the Egyptians the double bellows spread all over Africa.



Koryak blacksmiths in summer. They make fires of driftwood, and pour water over the coals after the wood has burned over. Then they carry the coals over to the smithy in skin bags. The Koryak blacksmith has a special suit for his work. In summer he works bare to the waist, dressed only in old skin trousers, and in winter he puts on a worn fur coat. Of course, in severe cold  no work at all  is done in the smithy above described.

         The blacksmiths of Kuel and  Paren work both on merchants' orders and for the barter carried on  by the artisans themselves.     The Russian merchants supply   the   artisans   with   iron,   and pay for the  work with  tea,  tobacco, and other   wares.     Besides,   the   blacksmiths themselves acquire iron,  hammer out knives   and   spears,   and   travel   with these to the local fairs or the camps of nomad reindeer-breeders, and exchange the iron goods for reindeer-skins, meat, and   furs.      The   last-named   are   afterward   exchanged  to   merchants.     Skilful blacksmiths,  like those above mentioned, are paid special respect.    As among all  primitive peoples, the blacksmith's art is not viewed by the Koryak as a trade  which every one can learn, but as a divine gift.1    In Kuel and Paren, however, a considerable part of the Koryak can hammer iron; and in addition to the recognized talent,  there are second-rate blacksmiths, who work periodi- cally, before fairs,  in order to acquire clothing and food in  exchange for the  products   of their   art.     In   general,   the   villages of Paren and  Kuel may be considered   as   the  centres   of   Koryak blacksmithing;  while Kamenskoye is a commercial settlement in  which are  concentrated the Koryak intermediaries of exchange between the Russians and the "Reindeer men" (Koryak and Chukchee). In   accordance   with   this,   the   Parenians   and   Kuelians,   as representatives of labor,   are   poorer   than   the   inhabitants   of   Kamenskoye,   the   representatives of commerce.

         The articles hammered out are finished by the blacksmiths with files. The art of polishing iron is unknown to them. The work of Koryak black- smiths is limited to side-arms,  tools,  and several other household objects.

         Fig. 139 represents an axe (a) and an adze (b) made in Paren. The axe (ai'lan) is in the shape of a common Russian axe, and is used for chopping trees and wood. The adze (b) is mounted on a handle, axe-fashion, but its blade is set crosswise and is curved. This tool is called "axe with ears" (welõ-ailän). It is used in hollowing out troughs and dug-out canoes, like a crooked adze (see Fig.   140, b).

         Fig. 140, a, b, represents two adzes made in Paren. That marked  a  is a straight adze (ga'tti). In shape it is an imitation of the ancient Koryak adze made of ivory or horn. Its handle is also curved, like that of a bone adze. The handle of the specimen here figured is made of bone of whale, but wooden handles also occur.     The blade is mounted on the handle without

1 Among the Yakut the blacksmiths stand on a level with the shamans.' The Yukaghir blacksmiths have special protecting spirits.    The position of the blacksmiths among the Tungus is similar.



a lashing,  and in  this  regard  the iron  adze differs from the ancient one made of bone.     This  adze  serves  for the  rough  hewing of the  outer side of wood

Fig. 139. a Axe (length, 53 cm.); b Adze (length, 45 cm.).

With it are hewn the runners and stanchions of sledges, snow-shoes, the frames of skin boats,  etc.,  which are finished afterwards with knives.

         Fig.   140,   b,   shows   a   curved   adze   (welõ'ga'tti,   "adze   with  ears"), with

Fig. 140, Adzes.

which wooden buckets, troughs, dishes, and other wooden vessels,1 are hollowed out. The handle of this adze consists of two parts, — one of wood, and one of bone,  — which  are spliced together.

1  See pp.  570, 571.



         Fig. 141 shows a man's ordinary belt-knife, with a wooden sheath having tin rims and ears for suspending it on the belt. This knife, like all straight knives,   has a thick back.     It is called "belt-knife" (iti't-wal or yece'twal")   and

is used in eating, and for work- ing   small   wooden   objects  and carvings    in    bone.      With  this same knife, sharpened to a keen edge, hair is cut or shaved,1 the hair on reindeer-skins designed for   clothing   is   cut   and   rein- deer   are   stabbed   when   killed for   food   and   not   intended   as offerings.     With this knife, too, fish   is   gutted   for   sun-drying. Women   usually   carry   it stuck into the boot-leg.     In very rare cases    do    women    carry   such knives at the belt.

         A knife of the same form, but  somewhat   longer   (including  the haft, about 45  cm.  in length), is called "hip-knife"   (yõ-wal),   because   it   is  not carried on the belt, but is tied to the

Fig. 141 Straight Knife and Sheath.  Fig.142 Large Knife and Sheath. Length of knife, 36 cm. 

 1  See p. 604.



right hip, under the coat, so as to be drawn easily with the right hand. With this knife animals are skinned and grass is cut, and with its back the foot-bones of animals  are broken  to  extract the leg-marrow.

         Fig. 142 represents a large knife with case, called "large knife" (ma'iñi-wal), "breast-collar or strap knife" (wa'gü-wal), or "knife carried on one's self" (a'mta-wal). It is carried like a sabre, across the shoulder, in a leather sheath(b) attached to a breast-collar. This knife was used even recently as a battle- weapon, like a short sabre, having supplanted the bone battle-knives made of the ribs of elks and wild reindeer. The sheath is of thong-seal skin sewed very  roughly with sinew-thread.     The short haft of the "large knife" is made

Fig. 143. Point of Spear. Length of point, 30 cm.; total length, 175 cm.    Fig. 144. Iron Knives. a Woman's Knife (length, 28 cm.); b Carving-Knife (length, 20 cm.); c  Straight Knife (length, 16 cm.); d Crooked Knife (length, 23 cm.).

of bone of whale. The style of ornamentation on this kind of iron-work will be discussed later on.1 The major of "large knives" are made with- out ornament. They are made chiefly for the Reindeer Koryak. At present wood is split, and frozen meat and bones are chopped, with this kind of knife. Fig.   143   represents a spear  made by a Kuel smith.    It is double-edged, 

1 See Chapter XI.



long, narrow, ornamented, and well finished. The spears for every-day use are not ornamented. They are of simple and rough workmanship. Some spears are made with a ridge in the middle, which is also often met with on spears from the Amur region (see,  Fig.   195).

         Knives for special kinds of work are represented in Fig. 144. The woman's knife,  a  (ñau-wal) is of a sickle-shape, its form being an imitation of the ancient flat knife made of slate.1

         The woman's knife has no sheath. It is kept in the work-bag, together with shavings of skin. With this knife, women cut skins and furs for clothing.2 The cutting is done on a cutting-board. Koryak women rarely use scissors. Imported broadcloth for the upper coat, and calico for shirts, are also cut with the knife. Koryak blacksmiths do not manufacture scissors. The large shears shown by Bogoras 3  are the work of Yakut or Amur River blacksmiths. Yakut women cut skin for clothing with such scissors. Nevertheless Koryak women exhibited great joy when we presented them with ordinary narrow iron scissors in return for services rendered, or for submitting to being measured, and immediately pressed them into service.

         Fig. 144, b, represents a knife with a long handle, specially used for carving in bone or wood. However, this knife is also called a belt-knife, and is worn at the belt in a sheath. Its wooden handle is covered with sheet-brass which is adorned with scratches made with the point of a knife, and evidently representing a technical ornament. Fig. 144, c, represents a straight knife (tami'ñu-wal, "working-knife"), and d a curved knife (keñi-wal, "curved knife"), used in carving bone and wood, and in hollowing out spoons, ladles, dippers, plates, and dishes.

         Fig. 145 represents an iron chisel and an iron bow-drill for work in wood. The chisel (a) has a curved edge for making holes. The handle of the drill (b) and the bow are made of bone of whale. A similar bow-drill, only with a smaller point made of steel, is used also in riveting old kettles, and generally for boring in iron.

         I did not happen to see a pump-drill in use. It is curious that the bow-drill is called in the Koryak language mi'lgitine ("fire-procuring"). This points to the fact that the use of the bow-drill for procuring fire had preceded

1 Murdoch (The  Point Barrow  Eskimo, Fig. 106, p. 153) mentions an ancient large single-edged slate knife
of this shape, belonging to the Eskimo, and supposes that it was used specially for cutting food.    I am inclined to
think  that   it   was a   woman's  knife for  cutting  skin.     Its shape   is  quite   similar to the woman's iron knife of the
Koryak,  whose blacksmiths doubtless originally imitated ancient stone models.    In Mason's article on the woman's
knife of the Eskimo (Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1890, p. 411) are collected types of woman's knives of
the Eskimo and certain  Indian  tribes  from various localities.    These illustrations show that nearly all — both the
stone  knives, and those of iron made in imitation of the stone ones — have a crescent-shaped blade, just as in the
case   of the  woman's   iron knife  of the  Koryak.    Nearly all knives of which illustrations are given by Mason have
handles like those of chopping-knives.    Only in three of them <see Plates LIX, LXIV, and lxviii, Figs. I, 4, 21 do we
see a handle on the side, just as on our woman's knife.

2 Ornamented woman's knives are represented in Fig.  193.

3 See Bogoras, The Chukchee, Vol. VII of this series, Fig. 151, , p. 222.



its use for drilling holes; but it is certain that the Koryak, prior to the introduction of iron, were already using either a stone or a bone bow-drill to   bore   holes   with.      It   may   be   supposed  that  the  holes  in   stone  ear-rings

must have been made by means of the  drill.

         Fig.    146   represents  a  saw  made by     the     Reindeer Koryak   for cutting reindeer-antlers.  It is    made   of  sheet- iron  by means of a file, after the pattern of    imported    steel saws.    The teeth of the    saw   are   very uneven.

         Nearly the whole of the Koryak black- smith's work is con- fined to the iron tools above de- scribed. I should mention, in addition, the manufacture of, kettles from impor- ted sheet-iron by Koryak artisans. They beat these kettles out with hammers, and the bottoms are fastened on with mortise- locks, in imitation of the imported kettles, so that they arew ell suited for cooking-purposes. They do not make tin teapots, as they cannot solder on the spouts. The blacksmiths also make pick-axes for picking ice-holes, marline-spikes, awls for sewing dog's harness, scrapers    for    dressing    skins,1   paring-chisels,   bracelets,   and   needle-holders.2

Fig. 145. a Chisel (length, 25 cm.); b Drill (length of drill, 30 cm.).    Fig. 146 Saw. Length, 47 cm.

1  See Fig.  189, a.

2  See   also   iron   fish-hook   (Fig. 79,   p.  534),   harpoon  and  arrow   heads   (pp.  546, 559),  bird-dart   (Fig.595,
p. 558), armor (p. 562), picks (p. 578), and ice-creepers (Fig. 30, p. 605).




         Two iron bracelets are represented in Fig. 147, a and 6. Small iron bars, finished and ornamented by means of files, are hammered cold into bracelets. There are also twisted iron bracelets, which are made of iron rods heated red-hot and twisted with tongs. In Fig. 147, c, is represented an iron needle-case with iron pendants. For dog-harnesses the blacksmiths forge toggles, swivels, rings, and small chains as substitutes for those formerly made of bone.     Files for smoothing iron are bought by the smiths from traders or

in the Government depot. Sometimes they themselves make files of iron bars by means of imported files. The Koryak blacksmiths do not make iron nails, but they do manufac- ture iron rivets for  patching kettles and other broken  utensils.



Fig. 147. a,b Iron Bracelets; c, Needle-Case (length, 13 cm.). 

Fig. 148. aa b,c Brass Ear-Ornaments

         Work in Copper, Brass, and Silver. — The Koryak work copper and brass in the cold state only. The production of objects wrought in this way is limited. As material for the work, imported sheet-brass, copper wire, and broken copper dishes, teapots, and kettles, are used. Of copper or brass wire are manufactured large ring-shaped ear-ornaments decorated with iron or brass pendants, or with many colored beads which are strung on sinew-thread.Fig. 148 shows three such ear-ornaments. The one marked a represents an open ear-ring prior to passing it into the ear; and b and c, closed ear-rings as they hang in the ears. Identical forms of ear-ornaments are found among the Tungus and the Amur Gilyak. The shape of these ear-rings, and their manner of manufacture, have undoubtedly been learned by the Koryak from the Amur tribes through the Tungus of the Okhotsk district, or they are manu- factured  in   imitation of ear-rings brought to Gishiga from  Vladivostok.     The



same may be said of the metal bracelets. I have already described iron bracelets.     Two  made  of brass  are  represented  in  Fig.   149,  a  and  b.

         The jew's-harp shown in Fig. 149, c, is made of brass. Usually this instrument is made of bone. The needle-case (Fig. 149, d) is made of two gun-cartridges,  and  has  brass  and  iron  pendants.

         The copper of worn-out teapots is used by the Koryak for patching and riveting   damaged   copper   vessels.      Spears   and   large  knives are inlaid with copper and partly with brass. First the designs, representing chevron ornaments and various kinds of curves, are incised with a steel chisel.     Then   copper  shavings are driven in  with a hammer, and the   weapons   are   smoothed   off   with a  file.1

      Silver-work, smelting, or cold-
hammering are unknown to the Koryak ; though the blacksmiths of the Tungus and Yakut, the tribes nearest to them, work  also in silver. The Tungus work is done cold only, while the Yakut have attained a high degree of profi- ciency as silver- smiths. With a hammer they beat   out   vari-
Fig. 149. a/b, Brass Bracelets; c  Jew's-Harp made of Brass; d Needle-Case made of a Cartridge

ous ornaments and other objects from pieces of silver; smelt silver in crucibles of their own manufacture, made of fire-proof clay, and then pour the smelted metal into moulds; make alloys of silver with other metals; engrave the most complicated designs on silver ornaments; and enamel silver after the style of the Circassians. The material for this work is supplied mainly by old silver objects and silver coins.'2

         Tungus smiths hammer silver coins into small ornaments, such as ear-rings, rings, buttons, buckles, or little thin disks for breast-ornaments, and polish these with a file and soft leather made of reindeer-skin. The Tungus buy larger and more ornamental silver objects, such as belts, pendants for coats, and  ornaments for hair-dressing,  from the Yakut.

1  For ornamentation on  knives and arms, see Figs.   142,  143,   189,  193,  195.

2 In the Yakut Province, stories are in circulation that certain Yakut silversmiths reduce silver from ore, but
carefully conceal the location of the mines.    I could not verify the truth of these tales.



         The love for silver ornaments is equally strong among the Tungus and the Yakut; among the latter, however, this passion has weakened of late, under the influence of civilization. They even preferred silver to gold, though the Yakut well know that gold is the more expensive metal, and though Yakut silversmiths know how to smelt gold, too. Even the poorest Tungus women have some silver ornaments on  their dresses.

          The   Koryak,   on   the   contrary,   have   no   particular   partiality for silver. Even   the   women   of  wealthy   reindeer-breeders  do not always possess silver ornaments.     The   color of copper or brass is  more suited to their taste than the   white   color   of silver.     I  remember that  in  Kamenskoye,  when  I  offered a Koryak  woman the choice between  a  wide brass ring with a shining shield and   a   narrow   silver   ring,   she   chose   the   former.      A   contrary   result   was obtained   from   the   same experiment at another time with a Tungus woman.

         The Koryak  call silver ñaña-polou'ntin ("easily selling iron").     This name, therefore, expresses the superiority of silver over iron.    The derivation of the word for "iron" is unknown.     At any rate, it was not borrowed from the Russians. 

         Work  in Wood and Bone. — Wood and bone objects, from tiny carv- ings   up   to   sledges,   are   nowadays   wrought   only   by   means   of the   above-described iron tools.    For fastening the parts of sledges and of the frames of skin   boats,   pegs   of wood   or   iron   are   not   used.     Everything   is tied with leather   straps;   but   the   Koryak   are   fond   of joining   their   small   chests for holding tea-dishes, or other objects, with steel nails obtained from the Russians. Household objects of wood have been  described before,1  and carvings will be discussed later.    The netting-needle, and  the vice used instead of iron pincers for finishing iron objects with a file,  are made of wood.

         In addition to the knife for cutting herring, 2  many other tools are made of bone, antler, or ivory. A thimble and ring of ivory, which protect the thumb and index-finger in chipping stone tools and working wood with the knife, have been described.3 Fig. 150, a,  shows a bone needle used in weaving baskets of grass. Fig. 150, b, represents a bone tool found by me in excavating an old underground dwelling at the mouth of the Nayakhan River. In shape it looks like an imitation of an iron hammer, but with this differ- ence, that holes have been made in it for tying it to the handle by means of small leather straps. What its practical application may have been, is unknown. It is too small to have served for clubbing seals.4 It was found with potsherds; and if its shape has been copied from an iron hammer, then the potsherds must be of very recent origin. Fig. 150, c, represents a pair of ear-rings carved out of walrus-tusk with a knife. In shape these ear-rings are an imitation of the stone ear-rings referred to before (see p. 610), but differ from them  in  having linear ornaments.5 

1   See p. 570.               2   See p. 573.                        3   See p. 608.                       4   See p. 545.

5  See also bone  lamp (p. 567), stool made of antler (p. 568), spoons (p.571), fish-rake (p. 573), Picks and
pestle (pp. 577-579).



         Of bone tools, the following, besides those already mentioned, are still in use: an axe of bone of whale, with which bark is peeled from trees to get gum, and with which sods are cut for covering the walls and roofs of underground houses;1 a marline-spike (Fig. 151), which is indispensable on account of the extended use of lashings; bone combs 2   for combiner sacrificial grass; and plant-stems for technical purposes. In the absence of iron, toggles and  swivels for the dog-harness are made even  now of bone or antler.   For

Fig. 150. a, Bone Needle (length, 4 cm.); b Bone  Implement of Unknown Use (length, 13.5 cm.); c Bone Ear-Ornaments (length, 2.5 cm.).   Fig. 151. Marline- Spike. Greatest length, 17 cm.

making bone swivels, a ring made of the bone of a mountain-sheep is placed in boiling water, in which it expands and softens. Through this is passed the small head of a bolt, usually cut out of a walrus-tusk. After drying, the ring contracts around the body of the bolt, and the head cannot come out. Finally may be mentioned the Koryak bone-scraper described by Bogoras.3

         Woman's Tailor-Work. — All the clothing is made by women. The sewing for each family is done by the adult women, but girls from the age of twelve or thirteen on assist their grown-up relatives. Among the tailor's tools, the woman's knife has already been described.4 Next, the needle and cutting-board should be mentioned. At present only imported steel needles are used. For sewing heavy skin clothing, only long thick needles are used. Special preference is given by the women to sailor's needles, with which they can pierce more easily than with round needles the thick skins used in winter for the inner sleeping-tents and the large outer tents. The cutting-boards are made in  different  sizes.     For the most part,  they are plain alder, poplar,

1 It is curious to note that the bone axes that I have seen were mounted on a wooden handle, with the
edge of the blade parallel to the handle, like iron axes, and not like adzes, as was formerly done. Thus, in the
epoch of the transition from stone to metal is found not only the tendency to give metal tools the shape of tools of
stone or bone, but also the  contrary tendency to adopt for bone or stone tools the forms of imported iron tools.

2 See Part I, Fig. 42, p. 97.

3 See Bogoras, The Chukchee, Vol. VII of this series, Fig. 147, p. 219.                              4 See p. 621.



or larch boards, about half a metre long and 15-20 cm. in width, planed off with an adze. On the reverse side, figures representing human beings and animals, and other ornaments, are carved out with a knife.1 The small pieces of white and black fur for making up patterns on clothing and rugs are cut on small ornamented boards with a wide notch in the middle, on which are wound the embroidered fur strips for trimming coats.2

Fig.   152   represents   an   ornamented   double   wooden   trinket-box   with  a     

connecting hollow bar around which embroidered fur strips are wound. The two small boxes serve for holding needle-cases,  thimbles, slittingtool, patterns, and other trifles. The wooden  lids are fastened to the outer sides of the boxes with leather strips instead of hinges. They are    closed   by   a   sinew-thread
Fig. 152. Carved Trinket-Box. Length 30.3 cm.

which passes from   one lid to the other through the hollow bridge connecting the two boxes.

         Thread is still made of reindeer-sinew. For sewing-purposes the thin threads of the dorsal sinews are used, while the thick sinews taken from the legs serve to make ropes for netting and for basket-weaving. The sinew is pounded with a stone hammer on a stone table, and combed like flax with a bone comb; then threads or ropes of the desired thickness are twisted out of the thin fibre thus obtained.

         Plate XXXVII shows women of the Maritime Koryak sitting sewing and cutting by the dim light of an oil lamp. On the right side a boy is sitting on the log which separates the sleeping-space from the middle of the house; a girl with her sewing, and a woman with a child, are sitting behind the log, on skins, under the raised cover of the sleeping-tent. On the left are seated a girl, and a woman with a cutting-board. Above are hanging clothes, foot-wear, and a fur rug. The sewing of reindeer-skin rugs will be described later on.3

         Dyes. — The Koryak use a variety of dyes for dyeing skins, animal hair or fur for ornaments, and thread for weaving bags and baskets. For black or dark dyes they employ sea-mud, a decoction of swamp-moss and pounded coal mixed with fish-glue, or a decoction of berries of Empetrum nigrum with burned grass of Elymus mollis. With the first two is dyed the bark of the willow-herb (Epilobium angustifolium), of which bags are woven. Previous to being twisted into thread, this bark is soaked in sea-mud gathered   on   the coast after high tide, or in a hot decoction of swamp-moss.

1  See Fig. 194.                    2  See Fig. 196, a, .                  3   See Chapter XI.

Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI.                                                           Plate  XXXVII







Pounded coal mixed with fish-glue is used for coloring sledge-stanchions, engravings on bone carvings, sinew and nettle thread, and sometimes wood- carvings.1 A decoction of cranberry with ashes of Elymus mollis is used in dyeing black the strips and pieces of ringed-seal skins and of the thin skin from  dogs'   necks,  which  are  used  for  ornamenting clothing.

         Red   dyes  of various hues are made of ochre, alder-bark, and of berries of Empetrum   nigrum.   Ochre   is   used   also   as   a paint, — either dry (for instance,   in   painting   the   cheeks   of  wooden   masks2), or dissolved in water. Alder-bark serves mainly for dyeing dressed reindeer-hides, from which clothing is made to be worn with the fur side in.     Dressed skins are rubbed with it, or it is boiled  in water and the skin  is soaked in the hot decoction.     In the former case an uneven reddish dye results; in the latter, a bright even cinnamon color  is obtained.     Special  skill  is required  for this process.     Expert workers are   found   among   the   Maritime   Koryak   women,   who   know   how   to  lay a very showy bright cinnamon hue on skin.     After being treated with hot alder- dye, the skin hardens,  and must be rubbed afresh to  render it soft.

         Dressing of Skins and Cutting of Thongs. — In the Koryak household, dressing of skins and cutting of thongs are important occupations, as all of the clothing is made of skins, which must first be dressed; while thongs are needed not only for lines, breast-collars, lassoes, harness, etc., but also for tying together sleds,  for nets,  and for many other necessities.

         The dressing of skins is the task of women, while thongs are cut by men. The methods employed in both these industries are identical among the Koryak and Chukchee, and for the description of details the reader is referred to Bogoras's work on the Chukchee.3   I will only remark that in certain places these occupations develop into home industries. This is particu- larly true of the making of thongs. Strong thongs are obtained only from sea-animals. Accordingly the Maritime Koryak manufacture them, and ex- change thongs of ringed-seal and  walrus-hide with the  Reindeer Koryak.

         Basket-Work. — The bags and sacks made of seal-hides and reindeer-skin have been spoken of before (see p. 607). Here I shall confine myself to a description of the manufacture of woven bags and baskets. Like the manufacture of clothing, weaving is the occupation of women, and it is developed chiefly among the Maritime Koryak. The material for weaving is quite varied. The roots of different species of willow, the wild rye (Elymus mollis; Koryak, tu'wai), willow-herb grass {Epilobium angustifolium; Koryak, me'nmet or me'nmetan), nettle (Urtica disica L.), thread from reindeer-sinew, and imported twine,  are used.

         Willow-roots, previous to weaving, are soaked in warm water, by which process   flexible   white   rods   are  obtained.     The stems of the Elymus mollis

1 See for instance, the wooden dog (Fig. 178, a) dyed in black.

2 See Part I, p. 84.                         3 See Bogoras, The Chukchee, Vol. VII of this series, pp. 217, 228.



are gathered in autumn. This plant grows on sloping sandy river-banks, and often reaches the height of a man. The women cut it down with knives, and carry it in sheaves to the villages. The grass is twisted into braids (Fig. 153, a), and bunches of these are hung on sticks in the storehouse.

         The   outer bark of the edible willow-herb1  (Epilobium angustifolium) is

used for technical purposes. The pith is taken out and used as food. Thread is twisted
from the bark in the same way as from nettle. The winter supplies of willow-herb are gathered also in the fall, and are preserved in bunches (Fig.   153,  b).

         The Koryak must have used nettle for weaving before meeting with the Russians. From certain passages in Dittmar's2  book on Kamchatka, the conclusion might be drawn that the Russians had taught the Kamchadal  how to treat nettle for text ilepurposes; but Krasheninnikoff and Steller, who wrote of Kamchatka nearly a century before Dittmar, speak of the use of nettle for nets and bas- kets as a long-known industry of the Kam- chadal 3

         The Koryak women gather nettles also in autumn, after the end of the fishing-season, tie it into bunches, and hang it under the storehouses to dry. In winter they work their yarn. With their teeth they pull off the soft fibres from the hard woody nettle-sterns, pound them with a stick until the fibres come apart, and then twist these in the same way as they do sinew-thread.

         I have already spoken of the use of sinew-thread in sewing.     For basket and bag weaving

Fig. 153. Material for Basker-Work. a Braid of Wild Rye (length, 72 cm.); b Bundle of Willow-Herb (length, 84 cm.).

or   netting,   strands   are   made   of  from   four   to six fibres,  which  are twisted together.    The spinning of the thread for weaving from these plant and sinew

1 See p. 578.

2 Dittmar, Travel in Kamtschatka, pp. 160, 164, 363. It is quite possible that what Dittmar says does not
refer to the preparation of nettle by the Kamchadal in general, but to the endeavors of Zavoyko, Governor of
Kamchatka, to accustom them to an improved method of treatment by means of spinning-wheel and weaver's loom.
But from the passages referred to in Dittmar it is not quite clear that he wanted to speak only of improvements
the Kamchadal method of manufacture. I do not know whether the better method introduced by the Russians
has been preserved among the Kamchadal, but the Koryak employ even now the most primitive method of prepara-
tion of nettle.

3  See Steller, pp. 83, 317; Krasheninnikoff, I, p. 332.



fibres has not advanced beyond the method of a cobbler preparing his waxen end. The twisting is done with the palms of the hands,1  and a long thread is obtained by twisting together separate parts. Fig. 154  represents a wooden reel   on   which   is   wound   the   sinew-thread   for   weaving.     Similar skeins  are  made of the threads of plant-fibres.

          When   a Koryak woman comes into  possession   of imported   flax, hemp,   or   cotton thread  or cord, she uses it by mingling it in her work with home-made material, so that stripes of one and the other material alternate.     Sometimes it happens   that   a   Koryak   woman purchases linen cloth, unravels it, and twists the ravellings into cord for weaving. 

Fig. 154. Wooden Reel. Length, 29 cm.

         Among   the Koryak,    as among the Alaskan Eskimo,  we find coiled and twined   basketry;   but   in  the   majority   of  cases   the   work  of the Koryak is better, and their methods    are more varied, than those of the Eskimo. Fig.  155   represents  one   of  the   varieties   of coiled baskets.    They are

Fig. 155. a,b Coiled Baskets. Height, 13 cm., 8 cm.  

children's baskets, made of Elymus mollis; but larger-sized baskets of the same shape are used by women for berry-picking. Fig. 156 represents one square   inch   of  Fig.  155,  a,   enlarged.    As may be seen, the work is done

1 It is interesting to note that an improved method of twisting thread is employed by the Yakut women,
who twist with the palm of the right hand on the bare thigh. The origin of this method is explained by the
Yakut woman's dress, the lower part of which consists of three pieces, — short trousers, knee-piece, and boots. In
working  thread,   the Yakut  woman  takes  off the  knee-piece  of the   right   leg,   and, raising her coat, twists on her bare thigh.




quite roughly, and differs in no way, in material and device, from the same kind of basket-work of the Alaskan Eskimo, which has been described by Mason.1 Bunches of straw are used for the body of the coil. In whipping each  coil  with a straw thread,  the upper part of the lower coil  is caught i

thus fastening the coils together. The straw whipping-thread is passed through the bunches of straw that serve as the foundation by means of a bone or iron awl. As may be seen from the illustration, the women do not observe any regu- larity in passing the binding through the lower coil. In whipping they pass the thread either through the lower coil or into the interval between two coils, just as the Alaskan Eskimo2 do.

         The   ornamentation   of  this  kind of baskets is made   with   straw   dyed   black   or   red,   which   is

Fig. 156. Technique of Coiled Basket-Work.

used   for   whipping   the   coils,   and alternates rhythmically with undyed straw thread (see Fig.   155,  b). 

       These   baskets   are   circular   in   section,   and the diameters of the circles grow   smaller   in size going upward.     The rim usually consists,  not of straw,

Fig. 157.  Coiled Grass Basket. Height, 14 cm. b, Detail from bottom of basket.

but of a willow rod coiled with sinew thread instead of straw thread. The lid is separate, and is fastened to the basket with a small strap. On the opposite side, straps for closing the basket are fastened.

1  See Mason, Aboriginal Basket-Work, Figs. 5, 6, p. 293.

2  For a sample of cleaner work and regularity of stitches, see the Zuñi coiled basket-jar in Mason's Aboriginal
Basket-Work,   Plate  xlix, Fig. 81) and the fabrics from a cave in Kentucky (Holmes, Prehistoric Textile Fabrics of
the  United   States  derived   from   Impressions  on   Pottery    in   the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology
I881-82, Fig. 67, p. 403).



         Fig. 157 represents a type of coiled basketry made of Elymus mollis; but the coils of straw are whipped with twisted sinew thread, and not with straw thread.     In b  a part of the bottom of the basket is shown on a larger scale.

The straw coil forms a spiral. The coils are whipped and held together by a sinew thread, also without any regu- larity, like the straw thread in the preceding figure. The whipping is done with a bone needle like the one shown in  Fig. 150, a. 

         Fig. 158 represents a bas-ket made of willow-roots on the river Opuka. The mate- rial for whipping consists of splints of willow-roots.

Fig. 158. Coiled Basket made of Willow-Roots. Width, 22 cm.

 This basket, too, belongs to the coiled type, but differs from the two preceding- figures in the style of coiling. Rods made of willow roots or branches form the   warp.     Beginning   from   below, the splint of the root whips two rods of

Fig. 159. Unfinished Bag of Nettle- Fibre. b, Detail of weaving.

the warp at once. In this process a space equal to the width of the splint is left between each whipping. Then a third rod is added above, and is fastened to the second rod in the same manner, but so that the stitches pass under   the   second   rod   between   the   stitches  joining   the   first  pair    of  rods.



Attention may be called to the neatness and regularity of this work. The seam nowhere passes over the preceding whipping, as it does in grass basket- weaving.     The   shape   of  these  baskets, which are oval  in cross-section, and


the form of the lid, suggest that they may be an imitation of some imported model. In material and technique, this basket is exactly identical with that of the Tinné, who, as Mason supposes, taught the Alaskan Eskimo   to   weave.1

         Baskets or bags made in twined weaving are open and close. The lat- ter   are  waterproof.

         Fig. 159 repre-sents an unfinished woven sack made of nettle-thread, and a piece of the sack, on a larger scale, showing the method of weaving. An empty sack is so soft that it may be rolled up. After the warp-threads on the bottom of the sack are fastened by the woof-threads, the sack is hung up on two poles or on a stretcher. At the end of the warp-thread, knots are made, lest the twisting should be undone during the work. Certain rows of the warp-threads are black,   and   alternate   in   regular   order   with   rows   of  undyed   threads,   thus



Fig. 160. Woven Bags. b, Width, 38 cm.

1  See Mason, Aboriginal Basket-Work, Plate V, p. 295.



determining the ornamental style of the bag. The weaving is done by twining two woof-threads over the warp. The end of the woof is gathered in a skein and undone according to need. The weaving continues round the sack from right  to  left.

         Fig.  160   represents   flat   bags   like   those   on   the   preceding figure, but finished.     In  b  a strip of seal-skin  is stitched around the opening of the bag. It   is   sewed   with   sinew-thread   to   the   last   woof-threads,   to   which   are also fastened   the   loose ends of the warp.     This bag has never been in use, and in  the skin strip at the opening are no holes through which to pass the thong which  is to close the bag when full (Fig.   160, a).     The workmanship of these bags   exhibits   great  taste  and skill.     The ornamentation of the bag is made as   follows:   at   certain   intervals   among   the  nettle-threads of the warp there run  three threads of sinew,  dyed black, which thus form narrow black longi- tudinal   stripes   between   wider   stripes   of  the light-gray nettle.    These alter- nating   stripes   of  various   colors  make a pleasing impression.    The width of the light stripes varies; and this somewhat disturbs the impression which the ornamentation   would   produce   on   the   eye   if  it   were executed with greater regularity.     The   bag   is  further ornamented  with bunches of colored crewel, which   are   caught   in   the   twining,  forming tassels similar to those shown in Fig. 199,   a.   This  ornament  forms  three cross-stripes.    Of these, the lower two consist of three rows; the upper one, of four rows.

         On the bag marked a, instead of the bunches which form the cross-stripes, there is an embroidery of crosses in colored wool, the regular arrange- ment of which produces a very pleasing effect. The black cross-stripes consist of threads made of the outer bark of Epilobium angustifolium dyed in sea-mud.1 To this bag is attached a woman's carrying-strap or head-band.

         The twined bags here described serve for carrying goods on foot-journeys. Women carry them by means of a head-band; men, by means of a chest-yoke.2 In them women also carry children (see Plate XXXVI). In the Koryak tongue every bag or basket is called apke'lin; bas- kets with ornamentation, kele'-a'pkel ("ornamented baskets");   while the coiled baskets described before are called tene'-apke'lin ("sewed basket"). Fig. 161. Techniqne of Twined Basketry.

         Fig.   161   shows  the   method   of weaving   close- twined baskets.     Elymus mollis is pre-eminently the material used for this purpose; but the work on them is more perfect than the work on coiled baskets of the same straw. The warp is formed by threads of twisted straw of Elymus mollis.     The weaving is done by twining

1 See p. 628.    This  method of dyeing textile material black  is found  also among the Haida (see  Mason,
Aboriginal Basket-Work, p. 297).
2 See p. 606.



with two straw threads. This method of weaving produces a texture dense, waterproof, and yet flexible and not coarse. Fig. 162 shows three baskets woven by this method. The ornamentation of these sacks is obtained by weaving in threads of Epilobium angustifolium dyed black. In a the threads from  this grass have been dyed in a decoction of swamp-moss. To this dye is added a little fish-oil, which gives it a glossy hue. Bags woven in the way here described vary in size. They are used chiefly as women's work- bags.     In   the   majority   of  cases   the   upper   part   (a third or   a half) of the

bag consists of reindeer or seal skin stitched to the woven part, as shown in a and b. Around Penshina Bay the Koryak women, among whom I collected all the above-described specimens of basket-work, do not weave (at least at present) any grass mats; but the Koryak of northern Kamchatka, like the Kamchadal, make grass mats. Fig. 163 represents a grass basket for berries, of the Koryak of northern Kamchatka, which is of cylindrical shape, and is made in twined weaving. In neatness, workmanship, and ornamentation, the basket recalls the best specimens of Indian basketry of the North Pacific coast.

         Mr. Bogoras has collected in northern Kamchatka a few grass bags which show a different technique. They are made throughout of braids of grass. The   bottom   is  formed   by a long narrow strip of skin, to one end of which



the first braid is sewed. The braid then continues spirally around this strip of skin, the spirals being sewed together. These bags are ornamented by inserting at a certain place a dark or ornamented braid, which occupies one turn of the spiral, to be followed by a plain turn, which again may be fol- lowed by a decorated turn. Thus it happens that at one place in the basket the ornamented and unornamented strips are sewed together, and the irregular

appearance is presented because the orna-mented turn of the spiral always ends one row above the point where it begins. This technique is shown in Fig. 164, b. In this case the lower part of the basket is made of coarse braid, while the upper two-thirds are made of a much more closely woven braid. In Fig. 164, c, the insertion of the decorative band is made in a different way, a single black spiral being inserted, which tapers at both ends. The technique of this style of basketry is shown in Fig.   164, a.

         The Maritime Koryak are about the only part of the tribe engaged in basket- weaving from plant and other fibre. The Reindeer Koryak women have no time, and their large cold tents are un- suited in winter for carrying on the work of preparing the material and weaving the baskets. The Reindeer Koryak wo- men content themselves with sewing-bags made    of   skins    and    with    the   woven baskets obtained by  exchange from the women of the  Maritime tribe.

         Ancient Pottery. — I have referred several times to the excavations of ancient Koryak underground dwellings, which I made at the mouth of the river Nayakhan and on the seacoast between the mouths of the rivers Naya- khan and Gishiga. Before undertaking to describe the potsherds found in these excavations, I will make a few general remarks on the remains of these underground dwellings and how the excavations were conducted.

The Koryak themselves consider these remains as the dwellings of their ancestors, who had lived there previous to the advent of the Russians, and they call them by the same name as they call their present underground dwellings (see pp. 448, 453). These dwellings are therefore the dwellings of the Koryak, and not those of another tribe, and they are not very ancient. Seen   from   the   outside,   these  remains   form   circular   or   nearly   circular



shallow pits with small embankments, and resemble the remains of under-round dwellings on Yezo, as described by Dr. Grimm.1 Grimm calls atten- tion to the charred posts found in his excavations. In some pits I also found that the posts which evidently supported the roof were completely charred. The   Koryak   explained   this  by stating that the Russian  conquerors or other

foes had set fire to these dwellings, — a practice quite frequent in antiquity when those besieged in the underground house would not surrender.

         Much to my regret, I was unable to carry on systematic excavations. The method of my travels precluded a long stay in those regions. Besides,  it was in the month of July, when the soil was still frozen to the depth of one foot; so that digging was impossible, and the ground had to be broken with an axe. Therefore no amount of precaution could prevent the breaking of the articles found. Being unable to make regular and extensive excavations, I   confined   myself  to   digging   up   the   centres   of  the   holes   in   the hope of

1 Grimm, Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Koropokguru auf Yezo u. Bemerkungen über die Shilkotan-Aino (Mittei-
lungen der deutschen Gesellschaft  für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens in Tokio,  1892, Band V, pp. 369-373).



discovering the location of the fireside. I really did find charred logs, coals, stones forming the hearth, potsherds, and remains of tools. Let us now consider  the  potsherds.

         All the potsherds found by me are made of coarse clay, containing fine gravel and pieces of quartz. They are quite thin (4 -12 mm.), so that their manufacture has little in common with that of the thick and clumsy clay lamps and unbaked quadrangular kettles of the modern Chukchee and Asiatic Eskimo described by Bogoras.1  The potsherds found in the excavations are black with soot and fat, and were evidently well baked, as they remained strong and hard, although they had been lying in the wet soil.

         The Koryak themselves well know that the potsherds now found are remnants of the clay vessels in which their near ancestors used to cook their food. The Koryak call a clay pot sEku'keña, i. e., "clay kettle" (from sa, "earth and clay;" and kukeña, "kettle or pot"). Iron kettles are called by them polounto-kukeña.

         In a myth2  it is related how Yiñea-ñeut, when a child, was deserted by her father Big-Raven in an underground house. There she grew up alone, caught birds, and cooked them in the clay pot she found behind the fireplace. The mentioning of pottery in mythology shows that the Koryak themselves assign to pottery an ancient origin.

         A fairly accurate idea of the size and form of the whole pots may be gained from the fragments. The restoration of a pot is shown in Fig. 165, a. Its mouth has a diameter of about 21 cm., and its height must have been approximately 24 cm., while the walls are 4—8 mm. thick. The pot is moulded with the hand, and the outside bears all over it the impressions of close-woven twined basketry, such as is shown in Fig. 161. Evidently this impression was made by taking a piece of twined fabric in one hand, and pressing it against the moist pot, the twined woof being placed so that the lines run at right angles to the rim. In some fragments of pots the impress of this woven fabric is very distinct. Another fragment in the collection indicates that the pot of which it once formed a part must have had a still larger diameter. The piece is too small to reconstruct the exact form of the pot, but it would seem that the pot was not less than 30 cm. wide at the mouth. All the pots are covered with a heavy layer of soot. A thick pot- sherd showing a decorated rim is shown in Fig.   165, b.

         The unquestionable existence of pottery among the Koryak in the recent past presents great interest, in view of the fact that the former existence of pottery among other so-called palae-Asiatic peoples has been disputed by many writers.

         Let us consider, first of all, the Kamchadal, a neighboring tribe kindred to

Let us consider, first of all, the Kamchadal, a neighboring tribe kindred to

1 See Bogoras, The Chukchee, Vol. VII of this series, Figs. 102—104, pp. 185, 186.

2 See Part I, p. 306, No.  114.                                1 See Sleller, p. 322;  Krasheninnikoff, II, p. 45.




the Koryak. True, Steller and Krasheninnikoff 3  visited them after they had been considerably influenced by Russian culture; but, in speaking of the ancient Kamchadal method of cooking food, they mention only boiling in wooden troughs by means of red-hot stones, and there is nowhere in the writings of these authors a reference to clay vessels. Schrenck considers the absence of pottery among the  Kamchadal as proved.1

         I have found accounts which stated that the Koryak also used red-hot stones for boiling. However, in these statements I do not see any contra- diction to the fact that there are traces of the existence of pottery among them.     The latter, to my mind, seems a later invention than boiling by means

Fig. 165.  a (70/5330), Pottery Vessel; b (70/7960), Rim of Pottery Vessel.

 of red-hot stones; but, even after the invention of pottery, cooking by means of red-hot stones might have continued. But as iron kettles were acquired, the manufacture of clay pots probably disappeared earlier than the custom of boiling with stones in troughs, as may have   been   the   case   with   the   Kamchadal. Witsen2  states, based on information given by Cossacks, that theKamchadal used to make clay vessels. In an old underground Kamchadal dwelling, Dittmar found "small clay vessels" of most primitive workmanship. "The clay crumbled under the hands, it had evidently been badly (if at all) baked," says Dittmar. As the pots were saturated with blubber, Dittmar thinks it possible that they had been lamps, and not cooking-pots ; 3  but this opinion may be offset by the shape and size, especially the depth, of the pots found.4 Besides, in another passage, Dittmar quotes the tale of an old Kamchadal   who   brought   to   him  the stone implements that he had dug out

1 Schrenck, II, p. 140.                                    2 See Witsen, Noord en Oost Tartarye, 1705, p. 673.

3 See Dittmar, p. 213.

4 Dittmar gives the following measurements of the pots: upper diameter, 12 cm.; lower, 10 cm.; maximum
width, 14 cm.; depth, 10 cm. This vessel, therefore, had an aperture smaller in diameter than the middle part, and
its bottom was still smaller than the aperture. Clay lamps are of different shape (see Bogoras, The Chukchee,
Vol. VII of this series, Figs. 102, 103, pp. 185, 186; Nelson, Plate III). Nelson gives 2| inches (i.e., less than
7 cm.) as the depth of two lamps (Nelson, p. 64).    The Koryak stone lamps (see p.  566) are 4 -6 cm. deep.



of ancient underground houses, and who said that potsherds of coarse clay vessels are often found among other objects in excavating ancient underground dwellings on  the eastern  coast of Kamchatka.1

         Lastly, the Gishiga Cossacks, who often visit Kamchatka on duty, told me personally that they came across the same kind of sherds of clay pots as I found in the ruins of ancient Koryak houses.

         At present neither the Gilyak and Ainu, nor the Kamchadal and Koryak, make clay pots. Schrenck expresses the opinion that even in antiquity this art was unknown to the Gilyak and Ainu.2  Concerning the statement of the Japanese traveller, Mamia Rinso, that the Gilyak on Saghalin manufactured clay ware resembling that of the Chinese and Japanese, Schrenck supposes that this art was introduced by the Chinese and Japanese at a quite recent date, and has been lost again. On the other hand, Schrenck finds that the potsherds collected by Pfeiffer, Lopatin, and Polyakoff in various parts of the Amur region and in Saghalin, samples of which were in his hands, were so old as to have no ethnological connection whatever with the tribes inhabit- ing the region at the present time.3

         Leo Sternberg, the latest student of the Gilyak tribe, in his brief pre-liminary sketch of the Gilyak, published in the "Ethnographical Review," 4  ex- presses an opinion concerning the ancient Gilyak pottery identical with that of Schrenck. In his opinion, the Gilyak were not familiar with pottery. Further on, I shall briefly touch upon his arguments. The Gilyak themselves call the remains of the ancient underground dwellings on Saghalin Island, where the potsherds were found, kugi-tulkc, which means "Ainu little pits;" i. e., the Gilyak attribute them to the Ainu. Following the course of his arguments, Sternberg further supposes that these little pits did not belong to the ancestors of the present Ainu either, for the Saghalin Ainu themselves attribute them to another people by the name of Tonchi.5

         Here I reach a question interesting in the highest degree, — the uestion, Who were the ancient inhabitants of Japan and of the underground dwellings in Yezo and other places, — the Ainu, or another pre-Ainu people? This question divides Japanese and other investigators into two camps. Of the Japanese scholars, Professor Koganei especially, espouses the former view; Professor Tsuboi, the latter. Concerning Saghalin, my friend Dr. Sternberg apparently   seems   to   side   with   Tsuboi; while Dr.  Laufer, a member of our

1 See Dittmar, p. 189.

2 See Schrenck, II, p. 139. Schrenck, by the way, expresses the opinion that pottery was unknown to any
of the so-called palae-Asiatic peoples, with the exception of the Eskimo. He supposes that the Eskimo came to
America from Asia, and classes them among the a-Asiatics; but this opinion, as we see, is utterly refuted by
the facts.

3  See Schrenck, II, p. 141.

4  See  Sternberg,   The Gilyak (Ethnographical Review, published by the Ethnographical Section of the Imperial
Society of Friends of Natural History, Anthropology and Ethnography, Moscow,  1904, Parts I, 2, 3).

5  Ethnographical Review, 1904, I, p. 5.



expedition, expresses views in harmony with Professor Koganei's.1 Of the recent works devoted to this question, one of especial interest is Professor Koganei's excellent article, "Ueber die  Urbewohner Japans." 2

            I can touch upon this question only so far as it bears upon pottery. On the one hand, remnants of primitive pottery have been discovered on the Chukchee Peninsula, in Baron Korff's Bay,3  in Kamchatka, on the coasts of the Okhotsk Sea and its bays, on the Kurilian Islands, at the mouth of the Amur, on the islands Saghalin and Yezo; on the other hand, the Eskimo of northwestern America even now make clay pots, and have left traces of this art which  existed among them  in  the past.

         Whether pottery was known to the Aleut, we do not know as yet. Veniaminoff says that the clay vessels he saw among the Aleut had been obtained by them from the Russians.5  In the description of the articles found by Dall 6  in the grave caves of the Aleut, we find no remains of clay vessels; but until archaeological investigations have been undertaken in the Aleutian Islands, it cannot be asserted that pottery was unknown to the Aleut. Judging by the results of our expedition, the Indians of the North Pacific coast never had pottery.7

         Territorially speaking, we have thus found, so far, that pottery in its primitive stage was widespread on the northern coasts of the Pacific Ocean from the islands of Japan around almost to the coast strip of southern Alaska. 

1 See   Berthold   Laufer,   Die   Angeblichen   Urvölker  von   Vezo   und  Sakhalin (Centralblatt fur Anthropologie,
Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, Jena, 1900, Band V, Heft 6).

2  Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens, Tokio, 1903, IX, pp. 297--330.

3  Bogoras (The  Chukchee,  Vol.   VII  of this  series,  p.  186) says that certain potsherds found by him in the
ancient  "jaw-bone houses" are thinner than the above-mentioned clay lamps and kettles, and point to another type
of clay pots in the past.

4  Thus we have Baron Wrangell's statements of the beginnings of the nineteenth century, that the Eskimo in
Alaska made pots (Wrangell, Statist, und ethnog. Nachrichten über die Russischen Besitzungen an der Nordwestküste
von Amerika, St. Petersburg, 1839, p. 147); Dall's information concerning the seventies of the last century (Dall, Alaska
and  its  Resources,  London,   1870,  p. 218)  and   the  present-day information of Nelson (Nelson, The Eskimo about
Bering Strait, pp. 201, 202).    Concerning the inhabitants of the island Kadyak, we possess the following information,
dating  from  the  beginning  of the  last  century:   "From   clay  they  make  fire-pots,  in which   they  melt  whale fat.
Formerly  they could  also  bake  pots,  but  now  this art   is  lost,  possibly for the reason that they found our kettles
more  convenient."  (see  Voyages  to  America  of the   Naval  Officers,  Khvostoff and Davydoff, St. Petersburg, 1812,
Vol. II,  p. 104).    Krasheninnikoff (II, p. 305) states that  the  Konyag  of Kadyak cooked meat  in clay pots.     At
the  end  of the last century Murdoch found on Point Barrow fragments of pottery which, according to him, existed
earlier  than   iron  kettles (Murdoch, pp. 91, 92).    G. B. Gordon, in his Notes on the Western Eskimo (Transactions
of the Department of Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania,  1906, Vol. II, Part I, p. 83), based on data collected
by   the  expedition   sent  to   Alaska   in the summer of 1905 by the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, states
that  at  present the art of pottery has died out among the western Eskimo, but the older people still remember the
time  when   lamps  and   cooking-vessels were made of clay.    Plates  and XXIV of the same paper show different
types of clay vessels of the western Eskimo.

5 Yeniaminoff, Notes on the Unalashka District, Part II, p. 239.

6  Dall, On   the Remains of Prehistoric Man obtained from Caves in the Catherine Archipelago, Alaska Terri-
tory and especially from the Caves of the Aleutian Islands (Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 1878, Vol. XXII).

7  This   conclusion   is   based   on the results of the excavations made by Mr. Smith at the mouth of the Fraser
River,  in   the southern part of Vancouver Island, and on the coast of Washington; but it would be very important
to  extend   the  archaeologic   investigations also   to  other parts  of the coast-line  between  the  Alaskan   Eskimo and
Columbia River and the interior Athapascans, in order to draw a final conclusion.



As   to   the   question   what   tribes   have   left   remains  of this art,  there is still disagreement in the majority of cases.     That the clay pots, of which potsherds have   been   found   by   me   in   Koryak  territory,  were  made by the recent an- cestors   of  the   Koryak,   there   can   be  no doubt.     The  same  may be said  in regard   to   the   Alaskan   Eskimo,   but   here   is   involved   the  question  of their original   gradual   distribution.     So   far   as mythology is concerned, I have ac- cepted   Professor   Boas's   theory   that   the   Eskimo   came   to the coasts of the Pacific Ocean from the east.1   In  questions of somatology we have some data pointing   to  the   change   of  the   physical   type   of  the   Eskimo from the east westward, as we approach  nearer and  nearer to the  Pacific Ocean.2

         The central and eastern Eskimo had lamps of soapstone, but we find no indication that they now can or formerly could make clay pots. If we consider as correct the theory that the Alaskan Eskimo came from the east, and that their physical nature and their traditions have changed in the new locality under the influence of the Indians, then they may have adopted the art of making pottery, too, after their arrival on the coasts of the Pacific Ocean, from the former aborigines, as their eastern fellow-tribesmen evidently did not know this art.3 I should remark that I bring forward these consider- ations only as an attempt at solving the question concerning the primitive culture of the Asiatic-American tribes.

         Regarding the Ainu, it is impossible, it seems to me, not to agree with the considerations of Koganei, that the pits on Yezo, Saghalin, and the Kurilian Islands, which contain the potsherds now holding our interest, are remnants of the dwellings of the ancestors of the modern Ainu. For the Gilyak, we must for the present accept the opinion of Sternberg, — the best authority on this tribe, — who argues that the Gilyak are new-comers on Saghalin Island and at the mouth of the Amur, and suggests that they may have been neighbors of the Aleut.4 Still one cannot help remarking that Sternberg's chief arguments offered as proof that the clay potsherds from the "little pits" on Saghalin belong to neither the ancestors of the Gilyak nor to the ancient Ainu,5 are identical with the arguments of Tsuboi concerning the last-mentioned tribe alone.6 These arguments consist in the following. In the myths there are no allusions whatever to the former use of pottery by the Gilyak or Ainu; on the contrary, the traditions of both tribes attribute this  art to other tribes, the Gilyak attributing it to the Ainu.    The Ainu of

1  See Part I, p. 359.

2 See Dina Jochelson-Brodsky, Zur Topographie des weiblichen Körpers nordostsibirischer Völker (Doctor's
Dissertation of the University of Zurich), Braunschweig,  1906.

3  Unfortunately,  no archaïological researches have been made in the territory of the northern Athapascan and

4    If this  supposition   should   prove   correct, the finding of remains of pottery on the Aleutian territory would
be of importance.

5  See Sternberg, The Gilyak (Ethnographical Review, I, p. 5).

6  See Koganei, Ueber die Urbewohner Japans, pp. 302, 303.



Yezo on their part, attribute this art to the mythical tribe Koropokguru, while the Ainu of Saghalin claim that the mythical tribe Tonchi made the pots which have been found in the ruins of underground dwellings.1 He also thinks that if the Gilyak and Ainu had known this art before, it would not have been lost.

         I   shall   not   expatiate   upon   the   linguistic   interpretation   of  the   words "Tonchi"   and   "Koropokguru," which  may be found in the works referred to.2 I   wish only to remark that oral  tradition  cannot take the  place of history if it   does   not   agree   with   the   data   of archaeology,  physical anthropology, lin- guistics, and comparative culture.     In the last-named respects much remains to be   done,   but   what   has already been done with reference to the Ainu com- pletely   proves   that  the  Koropokguru  are the ancestors of the present Ainu. It is enough to read the description of the contemporary underground dwellings of the   Ainu   on   Shikotan to come to the conclusion that after their destruc- tion they would form the same kind of pits as we still find on Yezo.3    It is quite   possible that the names handed down by tradition of what purports to be vanished tribes are but the ancient names of territorial groups or clans of one or another of the now existing tribes, just as I have been able to prove concerning the so-called vanished tribes of the Khodintsi,  Omoki, Kongienisi, etc.,   of the   Kolyma   region,4   that   they  are not vanished tribes, but ancient local names of the divisions of the Yukaghir tribe.

         The present-day absence of pottery among the Ainu and Gilyak cannot be proof that they never had it formerly, either. We possess many proofs, and among others my own data collected among the Koryak, that pottery may disappear with the advent of metal utensils.5 Likewise nothing is proved by the absence of any mention of pottery in the myths. The memory of peoples that possess no knowledge of writing is, on the whole, very short with reference to facts relating to their past life. To give an instance, I was surprised when the Arctic Yakut who came to the extreme north very recently did not know, when questioned by me on this point, that their ancestors had

1  It should  be  remarked  that so  far  no traditions  ascribing  them  to  mythical tribes have sprung up with
reference   to  the potsherds found  in  1865  in the excavations of underground dwellings at the mouth of the Amur
(see Schrenck, II p. 141), and to the remnants of such dwellings between Khabarovsk and the mouth of the Amur
(see Laufer, Die angeblichen Urvölker von Yezo und Sakhalin, in Centralblatt für Anthrop., Ethnol. und Urgeschichte,
5. Jahrgang, Heft 6, p. 329).

2  See Laufer, Die angeblichen Urvölker von Yezo und Sakhalin, etc., p. 325; Koganei, Ueber die Urbewohner
apans, pp. 314, 315.

3  See  Grimm,   Beitrag  zur Kenntniss der  Koropokguru  auf Yezo  u. Bemerkungen  über  die  Shikotan-Aino
(1892); Hitchcock, The Ancient Pit-Dwellers of Yezo, Japan (Washington, 1892).

4  See Jochelson, On the Question of the Vanished Tribes of the Kolyma District (Bulletin of the East Siberian
Section of the Russian Imperial Geographical Society, Irkutsk, 1897, Vol. XXVIII, Part I).

5  On   the  disappearance   of pottery  among   the   eastern   Indians   of North   America,   upon   the  arrival of the
whites, see Charles Rau, The  Archaeological  Collection  of the  United States National Museum (Smithsonian Con-
tributions  to  Knowledge,   Washington,   1876,   Vol.   XXII,   p.   73).    Concerning the inhabitants of the island Kadyak
and  the   western   Eskimo,  see p. 642, Footnote 4.    There are indications that in southern Siberia, primitive pottery
was forgotten  and  lost   by   the  local  inhabitants   about   the   time  of  the   arrival   of the Russians (see D. Klements,
The Antiquities of the Minusinsk Museum, Tomsk, 1886, p. 65).



manufactured clay pots, and not even that their more southerly fellow-tribesmen are still making pottery. That the present pottery of the Yakut, still made with the hands, without the potter's wheel and without knowledge of the art of glazing, is of ancient origin, has been completely proved by Sieroszevski in  his  work  on  the  Yakut.1

         After   this   chapter   had   been   written,   I had the pleasure of meeting in Berlin Dr.  E.  Baelz,  formerly professor at the  University of Tokio.     He had the   kindness   to   place   at my disposal the manuscript of his most interesting paper,    "Zur Vor- und  Urgeschichte Japans,"2  in which he discusses the Ainu question.     Professor Baelz is in full accord with Professor Koganei, and thinks that   the   remains   of  underground dwellings and the primitive pottery of the stone  age  in Japan belong to the ancestors of the present Ainu.     He states, that   according   to   Batchelor,   the   best   authority   on   the Ainu language, the word   "Koropokguru"   means   simply   "inhabitants   of  underground   dwellings." The   Ainu   themselves   have   traditions  relating to the former use of pottery; and   among   the   Kurilian   Ainu   clay  pots like those of the stone age are in use even now.    Clay figures representing men, which were found by Professor Baelz together with potsherds and other remains of the stone age, are repre- sented   with   full   beards like those of the Ainu.    Professor Baelz's theory on the  origin of the Ainu offers, however, great difficulties.     He maintains their relationship to the Caucasian race.    If this theory is accepted, we must assume that  the  Ainu, after reaching their present seat, adopted the material culture of the   palae-Asiatic   tribes   and of the American tribes of the northern shore of the Pacific Ocean.

1  See Sieroszevski, The Yakut, p. 377.
2  Published in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie,1907, pp.281-310.