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         My studies of the religious life of the Koryak, and of their conception of the universe, lead me to think that their conception of nature approaches very closely the ideas of the Indians of the North Pacific coast. At the same time, however, the religion and the myths of the Koryak contain traces of Asiatic and  Eskimo ideas.

         The Koryak view of nature is most primitive. Not only all visible objects, but also the phenomena of nature, are regarded as animate beings. This idea of a vital principle residing in objects and phenomena of nature is essen­tially an anthropomorphic idea.

         Everything visible in nature, and everything imaginary, that is, all that is within and beyond the limits of our visual powers (as, for example, animals, plants, stones, rivers, a wind, a fog, a cloud, luminaries, spirits, and deities), are thought of as material beings of anthropomorphic form. These anthropo­morphic ideas are often schematic and incomplete. This is shown by the wooden images of "guardians." Since the Koryak have attained quite a high degree of skill in carving figures true to nature, and in endowing them with motion and life, we cannot help being surprised at the crudeness of the out­lines of their wooden representations of the "guardians." This apparently corresponds to their vague anthropomorphic notions of invisible objects as they present themselves to their mind.

         On the other hand, this vagueness of their notions does not prevent them from being material.    To their minds it is an undoubted fact that objects and phenomena   of nature conceal an anthropomorphic substance underneath their outer   forms.     At the period of the appearance of man on earth, that is, at  the   time  of Big-Raven, which corresponds to  the mythological age of the Indians of the Pacific coast of America, the transformation of animals and other objects into men was quite a natural occurrence.    All objects appeared in two states.    One corresponded to the exterior form of things, serving as a cover;   and  the   other,   to   the interior, anthropomorphic form.    Every object may   turn   into   a   human being by casting off its outer shell.    The myths of both the Koryak and the Pacific coast Indians are full of such episodes.    The bear, the wolf, the fox, the ermine, the mouse,  the raven, and other animals, are described as taking off their skins and becoming men.  In the same manner -  the Fog people come out of a dispersing fog,1 and a cloud turns into a Cloud-Man. By   casting   off  their   hard   exteriors, stone hammers turn into Stone-Hammer people, who go fishing.3 Fishes, also, take on the form of human beings.

1  Tale  94.                                        2  Tale 48.

[II5]       .



         At that time, man also possessed the power of transforming himself. By putting on the skin of an animal, or by taking on the outward form of an object, he could assume its form. Big-Raven and Eme'mqut turned into ravens by putting on raven coats. Kïlu', the niece of Big-Raven, put on a bear-skin and turned into a bear.1 Eme'mqut put a dog's skin on his sister, and she became a dog.2 Eme'mqut and his wives put on wide-brimmed spotted hats resembling the fly-agaric, and turned into those poisonous fungi.3 The belief in the transformation of men into women after putting on woman's clothes and vice versa,  is closely related to this group  of ideas.

         The episodes of the mythological age must be interpreted in the light of this general anthropomorphic idea of nature. Thus Big-Raven associated with animals as though they were human; the Kamchadal Raven (Kutq) had inter- course with various kinds of inanimate objects to satisfy his lust;4 and Big- Raven's daughter Yiñe'a-ñe'ut married a fog, a cloud, a stick, a'tree, birds, fishes, and other animals.5

         When objects assume a human form, or vice versa, the incongruity of size

in the two states does not seem to be noticed. The little ermine or mouse becomes a man ; a spider turns into an old woman ;
and Big-Raven transforms himself, not only into a raven, but into a reindeer- hair.6

         Although transforma-tions, or the passing of objects from one state into another, are implicitly believed in, it seems to be held that some of the properties characteristic of one state frequently remain after the object has been transformed into another.        The    sketch

Fig. 57. Koryak Sketch illustrating the Tale of Big-Raven and Fox-Woman

shown   in   Fig.  57,made by the Koryak Ka'mmake, and representing  Big-  Raven (Uuikinn-a'qu) as a raven, retains some human features, as, for instance, the upright position and the arms.7

1 Tale 5.         2 Tale 4.         3 Tale 12                 4 Steller, p.263

5 See Tales 4,33,47,55,66,81,84,86,114          6 Tale 9

7 This sketch illustrates Tale 96



         In one story1 a man whom Big-Raven made of a wiping-rag has the peculiarity of constantly moving his bowels; and in other tales2 Raven-Man and also Big-Raven cannot break away from the raven's habit of devouring excrement. The Stone-Hammer people retain hard heads. Illa' knocks them against each other for his amusement.3  One part of Tale 4 (p. I 33) is particularly interesting in this respect. Looking for his sister Yitie'a-ne'ut, Eme'mqut finds her in the village of the Cloud people, and notices that the people there, their reindeer, their houses, the pots that are hanging over the hearth, expand and contract like clouds.

         In the time of Big-Raven there was no sharp distinction between men, animals, and other objects; but what used to be the ordinary, visible state in his time, became invisible afterward. The nature of things remained the same; but the transformation of objects from one state into another ceased to be visible to men, just as the kalau became invisible to them. Only shamans that is, people inspired by spirits are able to see the kalau, and to observe the transformation of objects. They are also able to transform them­selves by order of the spirits, or in accordance with their own wishes. There is still a living anthropomorphic essence concealed under the visible inanimate appearance of objects. Household utensils, implements, parts of the house, the chamber-vessel, and even excrement, have an existence of their own. All the household effects act as guardians of the family to which they belong. They may warn their masters of danger, and attack their enemies.4   Even such things as the voice of an animal, sounds of the drum, and human speech, have an existence independent of that of the objects that produce them. In Tale 16, Big-Raven sells his daughter to a seal for a song, which the last named spits into the mouth of Big-Raven.

         At the time of Big-Raven there existed a number of beings possessed of particular supernatural powers. The first place among these belongs to the Supreme Being, known under various names, the tribal deity that super­vises the universe.

         Another supernatural personage is Big-Raven himself, who is considered as the first man, the ancestor of the race, who set the universe in order.

         The kalau, which are endowed with peculiar powers, represent the evil principle of primitive dualism.

         The Supreme Being, who is generally rather inactive, assists only on rare occasions in man's struggles with the kalau. Their attacks are warded off mainly with the help of the family and individual guardians and charms. It seems to me that the living, anthropomorphic essence of the guardians is sent to defend man, and that it attains its power by means of incantations connected with the name of the Creator, that is, of Big-Raven. In this lies mainly the importance of Big-Raven in the religious life of the Koryak.     During his life,

1  Tale  60.                               2  Tales 42, 47.                            3 Tale 48.                                 4  Tale 22.



Big-Raven  carried on an incessant struggle with the kalau, and now he guards his children  against them.

         There are some cases in which the invisible living essence of an object offers itself to a person as his guardian. Krasheninnikoff's tale of the "Stone Wife"1 may be classed among such phenomena. It is told in this story, that a Koryak once  picked up a stone in his pathway. The stone blew at him. He was frightened, threw it away, and afterward began  to feel ill. Then he searched for the stone, took it along, and called it his wife. Thereupon he recovered from his illness.2 Another example of objects offering themselves as guardians may be found in the worm amulet.3 In this case an incantation cannot be dispensed with, since it increases the power of the guardian who has offered his services. It should be remarked, however, that an incantation does not possess unlimited power; and from time to time the Koryak must repeat the incantations over their guardians, that they may retain their power.

         The shaman spirits (e'ñeñ 4) belong to the class of guardians who offer their services to certain persons who afterwards become shamans; but they are more powerful than other guardians.

         Side by side with the animate and anthropomorphic essence of objects and phenomena of nature in general, are also the owners or masters (e'tins) ruling over certain classes of things, or over large objects. The Supreme
Being is also an owner, since he is the master of the upper world, of heaven. The master of the sea, and the master of the forest or river, are also called e'tins. Picvu'cin, the god of hunting, who is common to the Koryak, the Kamchadal," and the Chukchee,6  is the master of wild reindeer and other wild animals.

         As stated above, the idea of "masters" is to be regarded as a higher stage of religious consciousness as compared with that in which the animate essence of the object is identified or merged with the object itself. The idea of masters or owners is very little developed among the Koryak. It has attained a higher degree of development among the Chukchee, and a still higher one among the Yukaghir, who believe that not only classes of objects, but also individual objects, have masters, who are called Po'gil (pl. Pogi'lpe).

         The identification of an object with its living essence is common to the Koryak and to the Indians of North America. The idea of "owners" is found

1  Krasheninnikoff, II, p. 222.

2  The   tornaq   of the Eskimo are very much like this kind  of guardian.     They live in stones which  roll
down   the  hills   during   the thawing of the snow.    These tornaq  ask  the Eskimo they meet with, whether  they
wish   to   take   them as their guardians.     In case of an affirmative reply,  the stone rolls over, accompanying the
man   (Boas,   Central   Eskimo, p.  591); but the tornaq  is regarded as an owner (inua) residing in the stone.     It
is   worthy   of note here, that stones play the role of guardians also among the Indians.    The Teton, a division
of the   Dakota, regard certain  small stones as mysterious, and it is said that in former days a man had one as
his helper or servant (Dorsey, Teton Folk-Lore, in American Anthropologist, Vol. II, 1889, p.  153).

3  See p. 43.

4  At present the Koryak also call the  Christian God by  the name e'ñeñ.

5  Krasheninnikoff (II, p.  102) calls it Pila'hcuc; and Steller (p.  266), Billukai or Billucet.
6 Bogoras, Anthropologist,  p. 628.

I I 9

JOCHELSON, THE KORYAK.                                              

among the Eskimo, who call the owner inua, as well as among other Siberian tribes. In discussing the Koryak myths I shall point out the identity of the elements of which they are composed with episodes from Indian myths, and how insignificant is the number of Siberian-Asiatic ideas in the Koryak tales. I will not attempt to draw any positive conclusions in regard to their religious conceptions, but will offer here some comparative material to students better acquainted with Eskimo-Indian beliefs. I consider the concept that the kalau form a separate class of beings absolutely hostile to men, as due to the influence of the Asiatic dualistic conception of supernatural powers. The North American Indians believe that dwellers of the sky, and cannibals evilly disposed toward men, reside side by side with benevolent agents in one and the same sky.1 The Eskimo "master" may become a tornaq, a spirit which may be a guardian of man, or hostile to him.2 It is true that many Koryak guardians are called kalak or kamak, and correspond in this respect to the Eskimo tornaq; but the class of kalau which commit exclusively evil acts does not seem to occur in American mythologies. The evil kalau correspond exactly to the Yakut abasyla'r. The Yakut evil spirits (abasyla'r) are cannibals, and particularly soul-eaters; and their characteristic peculiarity, like that of the Chukchee kelet and the Koryak kalau, is that they are fond of human liver.

         For purposes of comparison I will state here briefly the classification of supernatural beings of the Yakut, so far as it is known from my own investi­gations and from those of other authors.

         The religious system of the Yakut is well developed. The class of creative and benevolent deities are called creators (ayi'). They live in the sky, on its eastern side. The majority of them have special names and functions. The Supreme Being and the chief of the benevolent deities is called Lord-Bright-Creator (Ayi'-Uru'n-Toyo'n). He also personifies the sun. The Chukchee idea of va'irgin3 apparently corresponds to the  Yakut ayi'.

         Abasy' {pi. abasyla'r) is a word which indicates everything evil and harmful in nature4 and spirits hostile to men. Abasyla'r are divided into "upper," living in heaven, occupying its western part, and having Great Master or Great-Lord (Ulu'-Toyo'n) as their chief; "middle," living in the "middle place" (orto'-doidu'), that is, on earth; and "lower," inhabiting the lower (allara'-doidu'), subterranean world.

          Icci' ("owner") corresponds to the Eskimo inua; but not all objects have icci, only the more insignificant ones. They are rather malevolent than benev­olent by nature,  and approach closer the abasy' than ayi'.Tanara' is a word which at present indicates heaven,  the Christian  God, and   images of the saints of the Greek-Catholic Church  (icons);  but formerly,

1 Boas, Bella Coola Indians, pp. 32, 36.                      2 Id., Baffin-Land Eskimo, p. 236.

3 See p. 24.                                                                          4 See Pekarsky, p. 3.



before   the   Yakut   had   embraced   Christianity,   it   was   applied   to   household guardians and charms.

         The Yakut shamans are divided into kind shamans (ayi'-oyuna') and evilminded ones (abasy'-oyuna'); and their guardian spirits are accordingly either creative deities or evil spirits. Owing to the decline of professional shamanism among the Koryak, this division is not marked, but it does exist among the Chukchee.

         Among the objects believed by the Koryak to be endowed with particular power is fly-agaric (wã'paq, Agaricus muscarius).    The method of gathering and the use made of this poisonous fungus will be described later on.     It may suffice here to point out the mythologic concept of the  Koryak regarding fly-agaric. Once,   so   the   Koryak   relate,  Big-Raven had caught a whale,  and could not send it to its home in the sea.     He was unable to lift the grass bag containing travelling-provisions for the whale.1     Big-Raven applied to Existence (Vahi'yñin) to help him.    The deity said to him,  "Go to a level place near the sea: there thou wilt find white soft stalks with spotted hats.     These are the spirits wã'paq. , Eat   some   of them,   and   they   will   help thee."     Big-Raven went.    Then the Supreme Being spat upon the earth, and out of his saliva the agaric appeared. Big-Raven found the fungus,  ate  of it,  and began to feel gay.     He started to dance.    The Fly-Agaric said to him, "How is it that thou, being such a strong man,   canst   not   lift the bag?" —   "That is right," said  Big-Raven. "I am a strong man.     I  shall go and lift the travelling-bag."     He went, lifted the bag at   once,   and   sent  the whale home.     Then the  Agaric showed him how the whale was going out to sea, and how he would return to his comrades.     Then Big-Raven   said,   "Let   the   Agaric   remain  on earth,  and let my children see what it will show them."

         The idea of the Koryak is, that a person drugged with agaric fungi does what the spirits residing in them (wã'paq) tell him to do. " Here I am, lying here and feeling so sad," said old Euwinpet from Paren to me; "but, should I eat some agaric, I should get up and commence to talk and dance. There is an old man with white hair. If he should eat some agaric, and if he were then told by it, 'You have just been born,' the old man would at once begin to cry like a new-born baby. Or, if the Agaric should say to a man, 'You will melt away soon,' then the man would see his legs, arms, and body melt away, and he would say, 'Oh! why have I eaten of the agaric? Now I am gone!' Or, should the Agaric say, 'Go to The-One-on-High,' the man would go to The-One-on-High. The latter would put him on the palm of his hand, and twist him like a thread, so that his bones would crack, and the entire world would twirl around. 'Oh, I am dead!' that man would say. 'Why have I eaten the agaric?' But when he came to, he would eat it again, because sometimes   it   is  pleasant and cheerful.     Besides,  the Agaric would tell every

1 See pp.  75, 76.

Jesuorth Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI.                      .                                                            Plate X.


Fig.  2

  Sacrifice of Reindeer.

The Kopyak.

Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI.                                                                                                                    Plate XI.

Fig. 1.    Sacrificial Heads of Reindeer-Fawns.

Fig. 2.   Sacred Hill.

The Koryak.

  I 2 1


man even if he were not a shaman, what ailed him when he was sick, or explain a dream to him, or show him the upper world or the underground world,  or foretell what would happen to him."

         The   Koryak   tales,   as well as my other records of Koryak beliefs,  offer but scant material relating to their ideas of the creation of the world.

         According to the Kamchadal traditions,1 Raven (Kutq) created the earth; according to one of them, he made it out of his son Simskalin; while another states that he carried the earth down from the sky with the help of his sister, and set it firmly in the sea. In the Koryak tales, only one name is met with which has any relation to the creation of the earth : it is that of Earth-Maker (Tanu'ta), who married Big-Raven's daughter.3 The Koryak ideas of the form of the universe are also very vague. The Chukchee believe that there are nine worlds, one above the other.3 The Koryak, like the Bella Coola Indians, think that there are five worlds; namely, our earth (Nuta'lqen), two worlds above it, and two below. The lower of the two upper worlds is inhabited by the Cloud people (Ya'hala'nu); while the upper one is the abode of the Supreme Being. Of the underground worlds, the upper one is inhabited by the kalau; and the lower, called Enna'nenak or Ne'nenqal ("on the opposite side," "yonder"), is occupied by the shades of the dead, the Peni'nelau ("ancient people").

         According to some informants, there is still another underground world, the one nearest to the earth, inhabited by people like those living on earth.4 From other informants I was led to conclude that the two upper worlds are merged into one, which is inhabited by the Supreme Being and the Cloud-Dwellers (I/ye-nimyi'sasn, "inhabitants of the heaven village"). The lower worlds are also merged into one, lower village (taivivo'laken), in which there are separate sections for the kalau, the dead, and other inhabitants.

         The underground kalau ascend from their world to our earth, and reach the lower world again, through the hearth-fire of human dwellings. The dead descend to the world of shades through the fire of the burning-place.

         In the mythological age of Big-Raven, men could ascend to heaven, and get down into the underground world, with great ease. Now only shamans are capable of doing it. The kalau and other spirits have become invisible to common people, and their arrows can be discovered only by shamans. On the other hand, there are tales according to which men who visit the under­ground world are invisible to spirits. This calls to mind episodes in Indian tales relating to the arrows of men, which are invisible to spirits.5 On the Kolyma River, I recorded an interesting tale relating to this subject. It was told by a Yakut; but I am inclined to think that the story was borrowed from the Yukaghir.     "In the winter a hunter fell into a crevice in the earth formed

1 Krasheninnikoff, II, p.  100.                                                        2 See Tale  111.

3 Bogoras, Chukchee Materials, p.  XII.                             4 See Tale  110.

5 Boas, Indianische Sagen, pp. 87, 94, 99, 149,  19°, 238, 254, 289.




by   the   frost,l   and got  into the  underground world.     There  he found Yakut people, like those on earth.     They had the same kind of horses, just the same horned cattle, the same kinds of houses, stalls, and storehouses ; and the people were  just   the   same.      He   went   into   a house,  and found the people eating. He greeted them; but, instead of responding to  his greeting, the host looked about   the   house,   and   said,   'What   kind    of an abasy' (evil spirit) is talking here?'    Thus the new-comer discovered that he was invisible.     As he was very hungry,  he went up to the table and helped himself to meat, fish, and frozen cream out of dishes and wooden plates that were standing there, so that their contents   disappeared   rapidly.     The   host   scolded   his   children   for   eating so much,   saying   that   everything   was   disappearing very  quickly.     One of these children was a pretty young girl.     Having satisfied his hunger, the Yakut sat down   near   her,   embraced   her,   and,  following the Yakut custom, smelled ot her.     All   of a sudden the people noticed that the girl began to writhe, and that   she   had   an   hysterical   fit.      As   soon   as   the Yakut left her alone, she quieted   down.      At   night   he   lay down by her side,  and when he embraced her   she   again   fell   into   a   fit.     On the  next day a shaman was called, who donned   his   attire   and   began  to beat the drum.     Then  the Yakut sat down near the girl and embraced her, and again she writhed and screamed.     Suddenly the shaman said,  'I  see!  it is a spirit from the middle earth above us, who is strangling her.'     He made his conjurations, and finally entered into negotiations with the Yakut, asking him what he would like to have to leave the girl alone. The Yakut replied that he would leave the place if they gave him a black fox. The   shaman   gave   him   the fox,  and exorcised  him.     Then he took him out of the   house   and showed  him  how to  get out to the earth:  and thus,  after prolonged wandering,  the Yakut returned home and told of his experience."

         The luminaries are supposed to be beings of the same kind as men. As stated before, the Sun (Ti'ykitiy) is regarded as a deity, and is frequently identified with the Supreme Being; but in the tales he is regarded rather as a country inhabited by the Sun people, particularly by Sun-Man, his daughter and son.2 In the incantation on p. 62 a woman of the country of the dawn is mentioned who is regarded as the sun. On the other hand, it is told that the Sun was swallowed by the raven.3

         In some tales the Moon is described as a man ;4  in others, as a woman 5  whom Eme'mqut takes for his wife.     In still another tale we meet with a Star-Man.4 I recorded the following names of stars : 

1.   Ursa   Major,   Elwe'kyeñ ("the wild reindeer-buck") and Elwe'eñen ("wild reindeer star").

2.   The Pleiades,  Ke'tmet ("little sieve").

1  In   the   cold   of  winter,  when there is little snow, the surface-soil cracks, and forms wide rents, which
spring are washed out by the melting snow, and become regular ravines.

2  Tales  12, 21.                      3 Tale 82.                        4 Tale  114.                        5 Tale 29.




3. Capella   in   the   constellation   of   Auriga,   Yeke'nelaqlin   ("driving   with reindeer"). 

4. The belt of Orion,  Ena'nvenanana ("the handle of a scraper")  or Ulvei- yinitila'n  ("he who  carries the bow across"). 

5   The Polar Star,  Acka'p-ana'i ("nail-star"). 

6   The Morning Star,  Pe'geten ("suspended breath"). 

7. The Milky Way,  Ya/veyem  ("clay river").

         Fig.  58  represents a map of the starry sky drawn by the Koryak Ace'pin of Kamenskoye.     In addition to the  Milky Way,  he seemed to know the fol-

lowing constellations and stars only: (1) Ursa Major, (2) the Polar Star, (3) the Pleiades, and (4) Orion. Be­sides, the last two constellations are placed on the left side of his map, instead of on the right. Apparently Ace'pin, who drew that map, made a mistake when transferring the stars from the vaulted sky to  the  map.

The wind and the fog are also regarded as men living in settlements. Thus Wind-Man is called Kitfhimhla'n or Kitiy-ni'myisasn ("inhabitant of the village of the winds"); while Fog-Man is called Yina'mtilasn, and Fog-Woman, Yina'm-na'ut.

         There is no doubt that the primitive views of nature held by the Koryak are gradually breaking down. In spite of the fact that the Koryak come in contact only with the lowest representa­tives of Russian civilization, and that even the formal side of Christianity is being adopted by them very slowly, the new ideas presented in the mode of life of the Russians are destroying the Koryak beliefs at an ever-accelerating rate. Their religion is dwindling down to the mere observation of rites and of taboos the meaning of which is gradually being lost; and their religious myths are changing into meaningless tales and fables, or are being forgotten entirely.

It is very interesting to note that a critical attitude toward the ancient customs does not find equal expression in all places. For instance, the Reindeer Koryak of the Taigonos Peninsula have assumed a critical attitude toward the sacred fire-board. Their official chief told me that he has no longer a sacred fire-board, that he prefers to have real shepherds for his herd. He considers the drum, however, not only a family guardian, but also the guardian of the nerd.     I was unable to acquire for the collection an old drum from the Taigonos



Koryak.      In Kamenskoye   the   sacred fire-board is still treated with respect; but the significance of the drum as a sacred heirloom of the family has declined,  and   I   was  able to acquire drums for the collection,  all of which  are  ancient  family   drums.      I   have  said before that indifference toward old customs may be observed more  clearly in places nearer Kamchatka than in those near the Russian   settlement   on  the Gishiga River.     Near  Kamchatka, for instance, in  Kamenskoye,   families   may   be   found,   which,   though   not  baptized, show an inclination   to   acquire   Russian   customs.     There   are   a   few   such   families in Kamenskoye.    They try to establish friendship with the Russians, and criticise their own customs without constraint.     Thus the old man Yulta told me, as a proof that dog-sacrifices do not serve any useful purpose, how his people were once chasing in a skin boat after a whale, and could not come near enough to throw the harpoon.     Then they killed a dog as a sacrifice; but the whale got still   farther   away  from them.     His scepticism, however,  did not prevent him from  killing a dog the next day,  on the occasion  of his son's departure.     In the entire settlement, which consisted of thirty families, there is only one Koryak, Oaci'lqut,  who has adopted Christianity.     To welcome a Russian he puts on a fur jacket made after Russian fashion ;  and when he comes to a Russian house, he   makes   the   sign   of  the  cross with an air of great importance before the images of the saints of the Greek Catholic Church without knowing, however, how   to   fold   his   fingers   properly.     Nevertheless he has two wives, and kills dogs   as   sacrifices   to   The-Master-on-High.     When  I  asked him once how it was that he, a Christian, made dog-offerings, he replied, that since he became converted, he killed only puppies, but not large dogs.     This was a half-serious reply; it would seem  that he thus thought to reconcile the two religions.     All this, however, tends to the destruction  of the former religion; and were it not for   the   low   level   of culture among the  Russian settlers themselves, and the ignorance of the local orthodox clergy, the Russianization of the Koryak would proceed at a much more rapid rate than it does  at present.

According to the census of 1897, 1  out of a total of 7530 Koryak, 3387 were baptized; i. e., 45 per cent. They were distributed among the districts as follows : 



Gishiga 1416      3018
Petropavlovsk 1727 948
Okhotsk 244    0
Anadyr 0 177

Of course a great many of the baptized are Christians  only in name.

1 See Patkanov, p. 21.