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Sacred Implements for Fire-Making

33

The Drum

36

Kamaks and Kalaks

36

The Skin Boat and its Charms

41

Sacred Arrows

43

Special House-Guardians

43

Divining-Stones

44

Amulets

44

General Remarks

46

III.   GUARDIANS  AND  CHARMS.

         Passing   from    the    conceptions    of   invisible   supernatural   beings   to   the religious   significance   of concrete   objects,   I .shall   begin  with  a  discussion  of guardians   and   charms.     It   is   very difficult to answer the question,  In what way   does  an image of man or animal,  made by man, or do  objects in their natural   state   and   having   no   likeness   to  animated objects, come to be con- sidered as deities or guardians?     It is impossible to obtain a direct explanation from primitive man.     I will relate here a case that I witnessed myself.    Two brothers, Reindeer Koryak from Tilqai River, after their father's death, divided between   themselves   the reindeer-herd,  intending to live apart.     According to custom,   the family sacred fire-board,1 the guardian of the herd,  was given to the   younger   brother.     Then the older brother made a new  sacred fire-board for   himself.     With   adze   in  hand,  he went to  the woods,  and soon  returned with a newly hewn wooden figure.     It was put upon the cross-beam over the hearth   to   dry,   and   in   a   few   days its  consecration  took place.     A  reindeer was slaughtered as a sacrifice to The-Master-on-High (Gicho'l-eti'nvilaen), and the   figure   was   anointed   with   the   sacrificial   blood   and fat.    Thereupon the mother   of the   two   brothers pronounced an incantation over it, consisting of an   appeal   to   Big-Raven   to   set up the new sacred fire-board as a guardian of the  herd.    Then fire was for the first time obtained from the sacred fire- board   by   means   of drilling;  and the wooden god, or rather guardian, black from hearth smoke, and shining from the fat that had been smeared upon it, became the guardian of the herd and of the hearth.     "Now my reindeer will have their own herdsman," said Qacai, the older of the two brothers, with a smile, in reply to my questions.2    It seems to me that there are two elements which   participate   in   this  transformation into a guardian,  of a piece of wood shaped into a crude likeness of a human figure.     First, there is the conception of  a concealed vital principle in objects apparently inanimate.    Second, there is   the   mysterious   influence   of  an incantation upon  this vital principle; i.  e., the   power   of  the   words   of man to increase the  force of the vital principle, and to direct it to a certain activity.     In what way the guardianship is  exer- cised by the charm is a question which the Koryak never put to themselves; but it is exercised by means that are not perceptible to  our senses.

         While   the   invisible,   organizing,  creative,  and  destructive forces - The- Master-on-High,   Big-Raven,   and   kalau are deities or spirits of the entire


1  See  p.  33.

2  It was clear that his attitude towards  the new guardian was somewhat sceptical, but the ancient custom
proved stronger than his scepticism.


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JOCHELSON, THE   KORYAK.

tribe (with the exception of those that serve individual shamans1), the "protectors or guardians" belong each to a family, an individual, and in some cases to a whole village. In general, the guardians form a group of objects that are supposed to take care of the welfare of man, and keep away all evil from him. The particular function of the guardians depends upon the office with which they are

   

charged. The same little figure may act as the guardian of a family or of an individual. Nevertheless some "guardians" have definite forms and duties.

I   shall   now enumerate those guardians about which I have succeeded in gathering information, and which are   contained in the collection of the Museum.

Sacred Implements for Fire-Making. The sacred implements for making fire are the following:

A fire-board with holes in it, called gi'cgic or ge'cgei (Chukchee, gi'rgir), in which the drill is turned. The board is usually of dry aspen-wood, which readily ignites, and is roughly shaped like a human being.    A head is carved out

Fig. 2.    Sacred Fire-making Implements of the Maritime Koryak,    a, b, Fire- Boards (length, 42 cm., 25 cm.); c, d, e   Bow, Wooden Drill, and Stone Head-Piece (length of bow, 47 cm.).

at one end; and eyes,  nose,  and  mouth  are indicated (Fig.  2, a, 6).  In some boards the  opposite end is carved to represent the legs.

A small bow,  called  e'yet (Fig.   2, c).

A wooden drill,  called ma'xem  ("arrow"),  Fig.   2,  d.


1 See Chapter IV, Professional  Shamans.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

         A head-piece of stone or of bone, with a shallow socket, called cee'yine (Fig. 2, e), which is put upon the thin upper end of the drill; while the thick lower end of the drill is set into one of the holes in the board. The head- piece () is held by one person, the board by another, while the bow is turned by a third person (see Plate VI). The thin end of the wooden drill, and one end of stone head-piece, have holes bored in them, that they may be tied, when not in use, to the straps at the end of the bow (Fig.   2, c).

         The fire-drill is not complete without a small leather bag filled with small pieces of coal, in which the coal-dust produced by drilling is collected. It is considered a sin to scatter the coal-dust.

         The Maritime as well as the Reindeer Koryak consider the sacred fire- board, first of all, the deity of the household fire, the guardian of the family hearth. During important festivals and ceremonies, which will be described later on, fire is obtained by means of these sacred fire-boards.

         The other functions of this charm are different among the two groups of Koryak. Among the Maritime Koryak the sacred fire-board is the master of the underground house and the helper in the hunt of sea-mammals, while
among the Reindeer people it figures as the master of the herd. The Maritime Koryak call it "father" (a'pa); the Reindeer people, "master of the'herd" (qaya'-eti'nvila'n) or  "wooden kamak" (otkamak).

         At the left side of the house of the Maritime Koryak, near the door leading to the porch, a place is usually set aside for guardians and charms, and it is called the "stake-house" (op-yan). There wooden charms are driven into the ground or set against the wall. The sacred fire-board is the most important among the images of this shrine. It is adorned with a collar made of sedge-grass, which is used in all sacrifices. This collar serves the charm in place of clothing. It is "fed" from time to time by smearing its mouth with fat. This is done not only during festivals that have a direct bearing on its cult, but also on the occasion of all other religious and family festivals. From the sacrificial fat, the soot of the hearth, and the indescribable filth prevailing in the Koryak house, the charm becomes covered with a heavy coat of shining black filth; and the more highly esteemed the charm is, the dirtier and the blacker will it become. When, owing to frequent use, the entire base of the charm is filled with holes, a new board is made. The old one, however, is left, like a deserving veteran, in the place set aside for the sacred objects. When moving from the winter house into the summer house, nearer to the sea, the Maritime Koryak takes his charms along; but some- times summer and winter house have each their own sacred fire-board. I remember having seen the Koryak Yulta make a new sacred fire-board for his winter house because he had forgotten his old one in the summer house; and when the following summer came, he left the new sacred fire-board in his winter house.    In the summer of 1900, when visiting a deserted settlement


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JOCHELSON, THE   KORYAK.

along the Paren River, I found a sacred fire-board that had been left behind in one of the houses. It was lying on the ground near the wall, covered with dust,  among some seal-bones,  old dishes,  and scraps of clothing.

         The sacred fire-board of the Reindeer Koryak, the "master of the herd" (qaya'-eti'nvilasn), is kept during the winter in a bag on a pack-sledge or on the covered sledge, which is occupied during travels by the mother and the small children. When the wandering family makes a stop, the sledges are left outside, near the tent. During the summer the sacred fire-board hangs on a cross-beam in the tent.

         Besides the articles enumerated above, that are necessary for obtaining fire   by   drilling,   and   the   bag  for the coal-dust,  the  "master of the herd" of  

Fig.3 Sacred Fire Implements of the Reindeer Koryak.   a (70/3828 a), Fire-Board, or "Master of the Herd," with Attachments (length of fire-board; 33 cm.) b (70/3392-3393), Attachments from a Fire-Board, representing the Assistants of the "Master of the Herd" (length, 10 cm).

 

the   Reindeer   Koryak is also supplied with a lasso, a watch-dog, a sacrifice ladle, an image of a wolf (Fig.  3, a),  and several little wooden figures.  The sacred   fire-board   keeps   the wolf near him to  prevent his assailing the her , while   the   little   forked  figures (Fig.  3, b) serve as his assistants in guarding the   herd,   and   are   called   oya'ciku,   which   properly means   "boys,"  "fellows,"       although this word has also the meaning of "laborers" and "herdsmen." The sacred   fire-board   also   secures   the   herd   against   sickness,   and   prevents  the


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

reindeer from straying away, and, as often happens, from getting lost. When a reindeer is slaughtered, the sacred fire-board is taken out and smeared with blood. Instead of a grass collar, the Reindeer Koryak put on it a tie made of the hair from the mane of a reindeer-buck.

        Among the Maritime group, as well as among the Reindeer Koryak, the sacred fire-board is connected with the family welfare, and therefore it must not be carried into a strange house. But if two families join for the winter and live in one house, in order to obviate the necessity of procuring fuel for two houses, both take their own charms along into the common house, without risk to their effectiveness by so doing. The sacred fire-board is usually transmitted to the younger son, - or to the younger daughter, provided her husband remains in his father-in-law's house and the brothers establish new houses for themselves or raise separate herds. Often fire-boards are found that have outlasted two, three, or more generations.

         The Drum. - The drum (ya'yai), which, as will be seen later on, plays an important role in ceremonials and shamanistic performances, at the same time ranks with the sacred fire-board as one of the guardians of the house- hold. The drum is the master of the sleeping-apartment where it is kept. Every married couple has a drum of their own. A bride who has her own sleeping-tents also possesses her own drum. The drum is especially held in esteem by the Reindeer Koryak. Just as a herd cannot exist without a sacred fire-board, so a family cannot get along without  a drum.  

         Kamaks and Kalaks. - A large class of guardian charms are called kamaks and kalaks,1 - the same names as are applied to the hostile spirits described before.3 It appears from this that these names do not always signify
a thing harmful and evil, like the Yakut word abasy'.3

         In distinction from the evil spirits, this class of "charm-guardians" are often called otkamak, or okkamak; that is, "wooden kamak." By the Maritime Koryak, the most important place among the wooden kamaks is assigned to the one considered as guardian of the inhabited place. It cannot, however, be called "guardian of the village," in the sense of guardian of the commu- nity, since the social organization of the Koryak is so loose that the term "community" cannot very well be applied. The wooden kamak (okkamak) is considered rather as a guardian of the habitation. He is also called Nimyo'lhin, which signifies  "habitation,"  and he  appears as a guardian or master of it.

         The "guardian of the habitation" has the shape of a post, tapering at the top, and sometimes forked, the thinner branch representing the arm of the   charm. It  is  located close to the village, usually on a hill overlooking


1 The Koryak plural of kamak is ka'maku.    Since kamak has been used with an English plural (Bogoras,
Anthropologist, p. 631), the English plural has been used here.

2 See p. 27.

Abasy' (pi. abasyla'r) means not only  "evil spirit," corresponding to the Koryak kala or to the Chuk-
cliee kele, but everything harmful in nature.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

 

it, or on a rock over the sea. It is put up by the founder of the "habitation;" that is, by the one who erects the first house, and is passed by inheritance to the descendants of the founder. As a rule, new settlements were founded by "strong men," heroes. Around the first house, and under his protection, weaker people would settle, usually his relatives by blood or by marriage; and the "guardian of the habitation" would become the common guardian of the settlement. As the latter grew, some of the house-owners would put up habitation-guardians of their own, which were, however, only family guardians. The general guardianship of the settlement belongs to the first guardian erected by the founder. It serves as the intermediary between the inhabitants of the village and the rulers of the sea and of the hunting-grounds. The lower part of the   guardian-figure   is   girded with sacrificial sedge-grass.    When the hunt  

of sea-animals, wild reindeer, and mountain-sheep, is over, the charm is smeared with the blood and the fat of the animals. The top of the charm, from the constant ap- plication of fat, turns black, and looks as though it were charred.    The charm is also offered sacrifices of horns and antlers of animals killed in the   hunt,  and whale-verte-  bra;. On Plate XII, Fig. 1, a photograph is reproduced of the old guardian ,of the settlement of Kuel,  surrounded    with     sacrifices. The   priestly   duties   in relation   to   the   guardian   of the settlement are performed by    a    descendant   of   the founder,   usually the eldest in the family. 

Fig. 4 Guardian of the Villege Big- Itkana, with Sacrificed Dog.

(From a photograph)

He smears the charm with fat, "feeds" it, and adorns it with sacrificial   grass.     In  a year of successful  hunt, the charm is sometimes offered a dog as a sacrifice. Fig. 4, represents one of the guardians of the village Big- Itkana, with a slaughtered dog near the charm. In the same village I saw a pup strung up as a sacrifice on the wooden kamak (okkamak) itself (see Plate IX, Fig. 1). The charm was a secondary guardian, the protector of one family, and consisted of a forked branch of a large willow-tree stuck into the ground. The village guardians differ in size, while the guardian of Big-Itkana (Fig 4) is about six feet high,  that of Kuel (Plate XII,  Fig. 1) is not over two feet.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

         Besides the guardian of the settlements, other wooden kamaks, con- sisting  of long, thin tapered poles, are occasionally found in the villages. They are put up on a rock overlooking the sea, after the whale-hunt, by the owner of the skin boat the crew of which killed the whale. The duties of this wooden kamak are to watch the sea, and to attract new whales. Formerly it was customary to put a collar of sacrificial grass on the charm, and string around it offerings consisting of pieces of whale-skin and of blubber. Since at present the Koryak seldom engage in whale-hunting, I did not see any such decorated posts,  but only those that had been put up long ago.1

         There is still another kind of kalaks connected with whale-hunting. These kalaks are also put up after the whale-hunt; and a man who has killed many whales has several of these charms. They are of small dimensions, are kept in the house, and, when the whale-skin is being broiled, are seated or put up around the fireplace to watch the whale-skin, their tapering ends being driven into the ground. The fire on the hearth is regarded as the sea in which floats the whale-skin, representing the whale. If the whale is not watched, it dives into the fire, and disappears under ground, and whale-hunting ceases.

         During this ceremony these kalaks are adorned with collars of sacrificial grass, but they are not "fed;" that is, are not smeared with fat, and are not offered any special food. They must help themselves. There are male and female kalaks; and when there are many of them, they form a family. In ordinary times they stand in the shrine set aside for the charms. The form of these kalaks is not the same in all villages. Since there is no whale- hunting at present, the charms are not made now; but I found several of them in Kamenskoye (Va'ikenan) and Talovka (Xe's'xen). They differ in form. In the village of Kamenskoye they have the shape of sitting figures (Fig. 5, a-d), and are usually painted in black: in the settlement of Talovka they have the form of a stick tapering at both ends, with a slight notch for a neck, with indications of eyes, and'a line for a mouth (Fig.   5, e).2

         Nets'-Kamak-Face. This guardian (Ti'ilat-ka'mak-l 3)3 is made to guard the nets. It helps them to make a great catch, and protects them from the incantations of wicked people. This guardian is smeared with the blood of  sea-animals and with blubber. It is kept in the usual place set aside for the charm, and is adorned with sacrificial grass. In winter it is not taken special care   of.     Like   the   "village   guardian" mentioned above,  it is represented as


1 The   following   quotation from Krasheninnikoff (II, p.   103) bears witness  that the     Kamchadal also  had wooden   kamaks: "The   Kamchadal put up a pole on the vast plains  of the  tundra,  tie ass  around it, and never   pass   by   without   throwing   it   a   piece   of  fish   or   something else.  Mr. Steller had             seen  two  such posts near Lower Ostrog."

2  It is interesting to note here that Krasheninnikoff (II, p. 126) speaks of the Kamchadal having small charms with pointed heads, under the name katide. They represent the spirits that enter women while they perform their ritual dances.

3 Kamak-l' = kamak + lo' ("face").    It refers to the amulets having a human  or animal face.


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JOCHELSON, THE    KORYAK.

having   only   one   hand   (Fig. 6),   possibly   because representing the one-sided spirits  mentioned  in  some tales.

         Little  Kalaks.      The   little   kalaks   (Kala'kpila'qu)   correspond   to   the Chukchee   Ta'yniqut 1   ("misfortune   protectors"),   and   consist   of a   string   or

Fig. 5 Guardians connected with Whale-Hunting,  a-d (70/3249  70/3247 70/3298 70/3248), from Kamenskoye (a,b,height, 10 cm.,; c,d, length of each, 12 cm.); e (70/3230), from Talovka (length, 52 cm.).

bundle of small figures, which are considered as charms, and correspond some-what to the rosary of the  Catholic  Church.     Fig.   7, a.  represents a string of little kalaks made of willow-branches.     The forked part is meant  for the legs, while the head and face are very crudely indicated.     At  times  forked willow-


1  Bogoras, Chukchee Materials, pp. ix, xxxv.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

twigs   having   a   very   remote   similarity   to human figures serve this purpose. They   are   also called  "protectors"  (ine'njulanu).     However, this latter term is

applied   to   the   entire  group  of guardian-charms. The people   usually   wear   the   little   kalaks   attached to the belt,   when   travelling   or   hunting   without   companions. The Koryak are afraid to drive or walk alone through the   woods   or   in   the  wilderness, because they believe that evil spirits (kalau), which haunt such places in large numbers,   may   easily   overcome   a lonely traveller.    In such cases the little kalaks replace fellow-travellers, and serve as guardians against evil spirits.     Another string of guardians (Fig.  7, b)  contains a small human figure made of grass, charmed beads representing drums, and wolf's  and hare's hair braided with sinew-thread.    The Reindeer Koryak call the string of guardians okka'mak-l' ; that is, "wooden kamak face."1    A snow-beater of antler, with a handle carved in the form of a raven-beak (Fig. 8), is also regarded as a fellow-traveller and guardian.

 

Fig. 7, a (70/3572 -70/3575), b (70/3628). Strings of "Little Kalaks," or Guardians. Length of figure, 4 cm. 

         The-Searching-Kamak-Face. This kalak (En'a'yis-ka'mak-l', literally "the searching kamak face") is the special protector of babies. It is usually sewed to the back of the child's shirt-collar 2  (Fig. 9, a). In the village of Paren I obtained such a protector attached to a strap (Fig. 9, b), which the   child   used   to   wear   around   the neck,  under the shirt, like a cross; but 


See p. 38, Footnote 3.

It  is  interesting to compare this with the custom of the Eskimo of Baffin Land, where a woman who
is with child wears an amulet attached to the back of her inner shirt (Boas, Baffin-Land Eskimo, p. 143); and
among   the   Central   Eskimo,  amulets  are   always   worn  on   the   middle  of the back of the inner jacket (Boas,
Central Eskimo,   p.   592).


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JOCHELSON, THE   KORYAK.

the figure of the guardian rested on the child's back. Two little bags with fragments of stone arrow-points were also attached to the strap , but their meaning is not clear. The-Searching-Kamak-Face guards, keeps in place, or restores the child's soul, which may leave the body or go astray.    Small children are

Fig. 8 (70/3540) Snow-Beater serving as Guardian. Length, 54 cm.

especially subject to assaults of evil spirits, and the souls frightened by the latter desert the bodies. When children are asleep, their souls also leave their bodies, and lose their way. In such cases The-Searching-Kamak-Face catches them,  and puts them back in place.

         Although the  "searching little charm" is, like the Roman genius, an individual protector of the child that wears it, it is to be regarded as one of the

Fig. 9, a (70/2809), b (70/3438).  Child's Guardians. Length of a, 10 cm.

family penates. It is transmitted by inheritance. The older it is, the more powerful does it become. When a child is born in a family, the charm is taken off from the older child, and sewed to the clothing of the new-born child.     A new charm is made only in case the family divides.                                                                                                                                                      

         The Skin Boat and its Charms. Among the rest of the family deities, the   skin  boat, as an implement for procuring food, is an important guardian of the family hearth.     Being closely linked with the family cult of the Maritime Koryak,  the skin boat cannot belong to two households that are not mutually connected   by ties of consanguinity.     Neither can it be sold,  or given tempo- rarily to  strangers.     As one of the household penates, it is the source f the      family's welfare.     The owner of the skin boat generally takes along strangers,

6- JESUP   NORTH   PACIFIC   EXPED.,   VOL.   VI.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

from among those who do not own a boat, to assist him in his hunt; for not all families are in possession of a skin boat. It is considered a sign of pros- perity to own one. The assistants get a share of the product, but are regarded simply as laborers, who work for their master. Sometimes they will give the owner of the skin boat seal-skins to mend the boat; but these are looked upon as presents to the owner of the boat, and he may dispose of them in any manner he may see fit. The first launching of the boat in the spring, and the last beaching in the fall, when it is to be put away for the winter, are considered as family festivals among the Maritime  Koryak.

         Charmed forked alder-twigs called ikl"' (sing, i'kla) are prepared in the spring, when the skin boat is launched, and are placed in the prow of the boat (Fig. 10, a). They are the comrades and assistants of the skin boat, and are supposed to attract whales and other sea-animals to it.     In the village of Kamenskoye the "guardians" of the whale-skin are also called ikl.1 On the upper end of

the prow of the boat is a small forked figure, placed with legs
pointing upward, over which the harpoon-thong is pulled. A face is carved on the opposite end. It is considered the manager of the skin boat. The specimen here figured (Fig. 10, b) was an old boat- charm which, having been worn out by use, had been replaced by a new one, and which was deposited among the other penates of the house.

The Ladder. The ladder which is used for the entrance into the winter house of the Maritime Koryak is also

Fig. 10. Guardians of the  Skin Boat. a (70/3400), Forked Alder- Twings

representing Guardians in Human Shape (length, 23 cm.); b (70/3240),

Attechment to the Prow, represening the Manager of the Boat (length,

20 cm.).

classed among the guardians of the house. A crudely carved human face is represented on the top of the ladder (Fig. 11). It is called Old-Woman (I'n-pa-a'ut). This guardian is apparently a woman. The image is also called
Ye'ltitkin; that is, "the head of the ladder." The ladder is the master of the house-entrance. It is supposed not to allow any kamaks to get in. When the   house is temporarily deserted,  for instance, when the people move to


1 See p. 38.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK

their   summer   dwellings,    the   Maritime   Koryak pray to the ladder not to let any strangers or ill-meaning people enter the house.    In the fall of 1900,

when I arrived at the winter village of Paren, it was deserted. The inhabitants were still in their summer houses. I wished to inspect the winter houses ; but my interpreter (a Russianized Koryak) and Cossack were afraid to descend into them until I had gone in and come back unmolested. From time to time the ladder is smeared with seal-blubber and other fat.

         Sacred Arrows. Freqently an arrow, given as an offering after a wolf has been killed, is found among the guardians of the fireplace. Such an arrow (I'lhun) is either driven into the ground at its butt-end, or it is tied to a pointed stick, which is driven into the ground, near the hearth. One of these sacred arrows is shown in Fig. 12. I obtained it in the Talovka settlement. It was completely blackened from the soot of the hearth.

         The Sun-Worm. The doll shown in Fig. 13 represents a guardian of women. It is hung up in the family sleeping-tent, and  protects  lying-in   women,   and   also prevents sterility.    It is

Fig. 12 (70/3503)  Sacred Arrow. Length, 66 cm.

called The-Vivifying-One (Yeytele'Licica'n). The women of the village of Kamenskoye, where I found this guardian, told me that a "worm" is sewed up in it. This "worm" is believed to fall down from the sky into the bag which women carry on their backs while digging roots. It then becomes the guardian of the woman into whose bag it falls. They call it Sun-Worm (Tiyk-Eli'ggi). I think this belief may be explained by the fact that in the spring caterpillars fall from the trees, and thus  some-times get into the baskets that women wear on the back while walking in the woods, picking dry branches, and digging up roots.

         Special House-Guardians. Some charms are called House-Kamak-Face (Yaya'-kamak-lo'), and represent special house-guardians. Two of these are represented in Fig. 14. The one marked a I got in the village of Kuel, and the other in the village of Paren. As the guardian of the house is regarded as the sacred board of  the   fire-making   implements,   it   would   seem  that House-Kamak-Face is a supplementary protector of the dwelling, but not of the hearth.  The guardian

 

Fig. 13 (70/3504). Woman's Guardian. Length of doll, 11 cm.

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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

of the  dwelling (Yaya'-kamak-l) is placed in the shrine (op-yan) and fed on different occasions.            

         Divining-Stones. The divining-stone plays an important part in the ritualistic life of the Koryak. Like all the guardians, the divining-stone con- stitutes a necessary attribute of the family hearth. Divining is practised at all ceremonies when a child is given a name, before starting on a journey, after a death,' during the whale festival, etc. The divining-stone is sewed up  in  a   leather'bag (Fig.  15), and a number of charms are frequently-attached 

Fig. 14, a (70/3378), b (70/3243). Special House Guardians. Length, 25 cm., 27 cm Fig. 15 (70/8047). Divining- Stone. Total length, 28 cm.

to   it.    When   in  use, it is hung on a stick, a question is put, and the stick is  lifted.     If  the   stone   does   not   move,   it means that the answer is in the negative.    If it swings, it indicates an affirmative answer.    Sometimes two or three   sticks   are   tied   together,   and   the stone is hung from the point where they   are  joined.     By   inclining   this   support,   the   stone  is enabled to swing. Divining-stones are rounded pebbles picked up on the river-banks, but selected by experienced men or shamans.     Before they are used, a spell is wrought over them.    The divining-stone is called an'a'pel or an-a'pila'qu ("little grandmother"). 

         Amulets. All   objects   over   which incantations are uttered are calle ewya'nwic  (ewya'na signifies  "conjuring," endowing with supernatural power"), and   serve   as   amulets.     In   this sense,  all the Koryak penates and guardians


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JOCHELSON, THE   KORYAK.

are ewya'nwico. I shall discuss here only those amulets that serve as individual charms against diseases. To guard against headaches sometimes a strap and hare's hair are braided in with the hair of the head (Fig. 16, a). Ordinarily a bead is attached to it, and a spell is pronounced over it. Fig. 16, 6, represents a charmed bracelet braided of sinew-thread, hare's

Fig. 17, a (70/3578), b (70/3391). Necklaces worn as Charms.

and   wolf's   hair,   with   a   bead   attached   to   it      It. was worn  as a protectection against rheumatism in the arm.     A similar amulet is represented  in Fig.  17, a.


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JOCHELSON, THE  KORYAK.

It is worn around the neck. It consists of a thong braided together with reindeer-hair, and beads strung on it. Sometimes a guardian representing a human figure or some animal is appended to such an amulet (Fig.   17, b).

         Tattooing, so far as it is not done as a matter of fashion, is also to be classed with amulets. Aching parts of the body are tattooed in order to drive away the pain. Tattooing is thus made to serve as an amulet or guardian. The design of the tattooing frequently represents a human figure. The method of tattooing is the following. Pounded charcoal is mixed with oil. A thin sinew thread twisted with a woman's hair is blackened in it, and then, by means of a fine needle, is drawn through the skin. This kind of tattooing is called geti'plin ("pierced"). It is practised on women as well as on men: while tattooing as an adornment is practised on women only, and is called l'-ke'le ("face-painting").    Some women tattoo the face as a charm against barrenness.

         The method of charming amulets and making incantations will be dis- cussed more fully in the next chapter.1

         General Remarks. We have seen that the majority of the guardians are family deities. Only the guardian of the habitation has a tendency to become a village protectors. On the other hand, only amulets against diseases, and a certain kind of tattooing, figure as guardians of individuals. All the other guardians are closely connected with the household fireplace and the welfare of the family. They cannot be transferred into a family of strangers;
but they may be temporarily engaged by one or another of the members of the family.


1 See pp. 59-64.