|
|
|
Sacred Implements for Fire-Making |
|
|
The Drum |
|||
|
Kamaks and Kalaks |
|||
|
The Skin Boat and its Charms |
|||
|
Sacred Arrows |
|||
|
Special House-Guardians |
|||
|
Divining-Stones |
|||
|
Amulets |
|||
|
General Remarks |
III.
—
GUARDIANS
AND
CHARMS.
Passing from
the conceptions of invisible
supernatural beings to
the religious
significance of concrete objects,
I .shall begin
with a discussion of guardians
and charms.
It is
very difficult to answer the question, In what way
does an image of man or
animal, made by man, or do
objects in their natural
state and
having no
likeness to
animated objects, come to be con- sidered
as deities or guardians?
It is impossible to obtain a direct explanation from
primitive man. I
will relate here a case that I witnessed myself.
Two brothers,
Reindeer Koryak from Tilqai River, after their father's death, divided between
themselves the reindeer-herd,
intending to live apart.
According to custom,
the family sacred fire-board,1 the guardian of the herd,
was given to the
younger brother.
Then the older brother made a new
sacred fire-board for
himself. With
adze in
hand, he went to
the woods, and soon
returned with
a newly hewn wooden figure.
It was put upon the cross-beam over the hearth
to dry,
and in
a few
days its consecration took place.
A reindeer was
slaughtered as a sacrifice to The-Master-on-High (Gicho'l-eti'nvilaen),
and the figure was
anointed with
the sacrificial blood and
fat. Thereupon the
mother of the two
brothers pronounced an incantation over it, consisting of an
appeal to
Big-Raven to
set up the new sacred fire-board as a guardian of
the herd.
Then fire was for the first time obtained from the sacred fire- board
by means
of drilling; and the wooden god, or rather guardian, black from
hearth smoke, and shining from the fat that had been smeared upon it, became
the guardian of the herd and of the hearth.
"Now my reindeer will have
their own herdsman," said Qacai, the older of the two brothers, with a smile,
in reply to my questions.2
It seems to me that there are two elements which participate
in this
transformation into a guardian, of
a piece of wood shaped into a crude
likeness of a human figure.
First, there is the conception of
a concealed vital principle in objects apparently inanimate.
Second, there is
the mysterious
influence of
an incantation upon this
vital principle; i. e., the
power of
the words of
man to increase the force of the
vital principle, and to direct it to
a certain activity. In
what way the guardianship is exer-
cised by the charm is a question
which the Koryak never put to themselves; but it is exercised by means that
are not perceptible to our senses.
While the
invisible, organizing, creative, and
destructive forces - The- Master-on-High, Big-Raven, and
kalau — are deities or spirits of the entire
2
It was clear that his attitude towards
the new guardian was somewhat sceptical, but the ancient custom
proved
stronger than his scepticism.
33
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
tribe
(with the exception of those that serve individual shamans1), the
"protectors or
guardians" belong each to a family, an individual, and in some cases to a
whole
village. In general, the guardians form a group of objects that are supposed
to take care of the welfare of man, and keep away all evil from him. The particular
function of the guardians depends upon the office with which they are
at
one end; and eyes, nose, and
mouth are indicated (Fig.
2, a, 6). In some boards
the opposite end is carved to
represent the legs.
A
small bow, called
e'yet (Fig. 2, c).
A
wooden drill, called ma'xem
("arrow"), Fig.
2, d.
34
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
A head-piece of stone or of bone, with a shallow socket, called ceñe'yine
(Fig.
2, e), which is put upon the thin upper end of the drill; while the
thick lower
end of the drill is set into one of the holes in the board. The head- piece
(è) is held by one person, the board by another, while the bow is
turned by
a third person (see Plate VI). The thin end of the wooden drill, and one end
of stone head-piece, have holes bored in them, that they may be tied, when
not in use, to the straps at the end of the bow (Fig. 2, c).
The fire-drill is not complete without a small leather bag filled with small pieces
of coal, in which the coal-dust produced by drilling is collected. It is considered
a sin to scatter the coal-dust.
The Maritime as well as the Reindeer Koryak consider the sacred fire- board,
first of all, the deity of the household fire, the guardian of the family hearth.
During important festivals and ceremonies, which will be described later
on, fire is obtained by means of these sacred fire-boards.
The other functions of this charm are different among the two groups of
Koryak. Among the Maritime Koryak the sacred fire-board is the master of
the underground house and the helper in the hunt of sea-mammals, while
among
the Reindeer people it figures as the master of the herd. The Maritime Koryak
call it "father" (a'pa); the Reindeer people, "master of
the'herd" (qaya'-eti'nvila'n)
or "wooden kamak" (otkamak).
At the left side of the house of the Maritime Koryak, near the door leading
to the porch, a place is usually set aside for guardians and charms, and
it is called the "stake-house" (op-yan). There wooden charms are
driven into
the ground or set against the wall. The sacred fire-board is the most
important among the images of this shrine. It is adorned with a collar made of
sedge-grass, which is used in all sacrifices. This collar serves the charm in
place of clothing. It is "fed" from time to time by smearing its
mouth with
fat. This is done not only during festivals that have a direct bearing on
its cult, but also on the occasion of all other religious and family festivals.
From
the sacrificial fat, the soot of the hearth, and the indescribable filth prevailing
in the Koryak house, the charm becomes covered with a heavy coat
of shining black filth; and the more highly esteemed the charm is, the dirtier
and the blacker will it become. When, owing to frequent use, the entire
base of the charm is filled with holes, a new board is made. The old one,
however, is left, like a deserving veteran, in the place set aside for the sacred
objects. When moving from the winter house into the summer house, nearer
to the sea, the Maritime Koryak takes his charms along; but some- times
summer and winter house have each their own sacred fire-board. I remember
having seen the Koryak Yulta make a new sacred fire-board for his
winter house because he had forgotten his old one in the summer house; and
when the following summer came, he left the new sacred fire-board in his
winter house. In the
summer of 1900, when visiting a deserted settlement
35
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
along
the Paren River, I found a sacred fire-board that had been left behind in
one of the houses. It was lying on the ground near the wall, covered with
dust, among some seal-bones,
old dishes, and scraps of
clothing.
The sacred fire-board of the Reindeer Koryak, the "master of the herd"
(qaya'-eti'nvilasn),
is kept during the winter in a bag on a pack-sledge or on the covered sledge,
which is occupied during travels by the mother and the small
children. When the wandering family makes a stop, the sledges are left outside,
near the tent. During the summer the sacred fire-board hangs on a cross-beam
in the tent.
Besides the articles enumerated above, that are necessary for obtaining fire
by drilling,
and the
bag for the coal-dust,
the "master of the
herd" of
|
|
| Fig.3 Sacred Fire Implements of the Reindeer Koryak. a (70/3828 a), Fire-Board, or "Master of the Herd," with Attachments (length of fire-board; 33 cm.) b (70/3392-3393), Attachments from a Fire-Board, representing the Assistants of the "Master of the Herd" (length, 10 cm). |
the
Reindeer Koryak is
also supplied with a lasso, a watch-dog, a sacrifice ladle,
an image of a wolf (Fig. 3, a),
and several little wooden figures.
The sacred fire-board
keeps the wolf near
him to prevent his assailing the
her , while
the little
forked figures (Fig. 3, b) serve as his assistants in guarding the
herd, and
are called
oya'ciku, which
properly means "boys,"
"fellows,"
although this word has also the
meaning of "laborers" and "herdsmen." The sacred
fire-board also secures
the herd
against sickness,
and prevents
the
36
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
reindeer
from straying away, and, as often happens, from getting lost. When a
reindeer is slaughtered, the sacred fire-board is taken out and smeared with blood.
Instead of a grass collar, the Reindeer Koryak put on it a tie made of
the hair from the mane of a reindeer-buck.
Among the Maritime group, as well as among the Reindeer Koryak, the
sacred fire-board is connected with the family welfare, and therefore it must
not be carried into a strange house. But if two families join for the winter
and live in one house, in order to obviate the necessity of procuring fuel
for two houses, both take their own charms along into the common house, without
risk to their effectiveness by so doing. The sacred fire-board is usually transmitted to the younger son, - or to the younger daughter, provided
her husband remains in his
father-in-law's house and the brothers establish new houses
for themselves or raise separate herds. Often fire-boards are found that
have outlasted two, three, or more generations.
The Drum. -
The drum (ya'yai), which, as will be seen later on, plays an
important role in ceremonials and shamanistic performances, at the same time
ranks with the sacred fire-board as one of the guardians of the house- hold.
The drum is the master of the sleeping-apartment where it is kept. Every
married couple has a drum of their own. A bride who has her own sleeping-tents
also possesses her own drum. The drum is especially held in esteem
by the Reindeer Koryak. Just as a herd cannot exist without a sacred fire-board,
so a family cannot get along without a
drum.
Kamaks and Kalaks. -
A large class of guardian charms are called kamaks
and kalaks,1 - the same names as are applied to the hostile spirits
described
before.3 It appears from this that these names do not always
signify
a
thing harmful and evil, like the Yakut word abasy'.3
In distinction from the evil spirits, this class of "charm-guardians"
are often
called otkamak, or okkamak; that is, "wooden kamak." By the Maritime
Koryak,
the most important place among the wooden kamaks is assigned to the
one considered as guardian of the inhabited place. It cannot, however, be
called "guardian of the village," in the sense of guardian of the
commu- nity,
since the social organization of the Koryak is so loose that the term "community"
cannot very well be applied. The wooden kamak (okkamak) is considered
rather as a guardian of the habitation. He is also called Nimyo'lhin, which
signifies "habitation,"
and he appears as a
guardian or master of it.
The "guardian of the habitation" has the shape of a post, tapering
at the
top, and sometimes forked, the thinner branch representing the arm of the
charm. It is
located close to the village, usually on a hill overlooking
1
Anthropologist,
p. 631), the English plural has been used here.
2
See p. 27.
Abasy'
(pi. abasyla'r) means not only
"evil spirit," corresponding to the Koryak kala or to the
Chuk-
cliee
kele, but everything harmful in nature.
37
JOCHELSON, THE KORYAK.
it,
or on a rock over the sea. It is put up by the founder of the "habitation;"
that
is, by the one who erects the first house, and is passed by inheritance to
the descendants of the founder. As a rule, new settlements were founded by
"strong men," heroes. Around the first house, and under his
protection, weaker
people would settle, usually his relatives by blood or by marriage; and
the "guardian of the habitation" would become the common guardian of
the
settlement. As the latter grew, some of the house-owners would put up habitation-guardians
of their own, which were, however, only family guardians. The
general guardianship of the settlement belongs to the first guardian erected by
the founder. It serves as the intermediary between the inhabitants of the village
and the rulers of the sea and of the hunting-grounds. The lower part of
the guardian-figure
is girded with
sacrificial sedge-grass. When
the hunt
| of
sea-animals, wild reindeer, and mountain-sheep, is over, the
charm is smeared with the blood and the fat of the animals.
The top of the charm, from the constant ap- plication
of fat, turns black, and looks as though it were charred. The
charm is also offered sacrifices of horns and |
  |
|
Fig. 4 Guardian of the Villege Big- Itkana, with Sacrificed Dog. (From a photograph) |
He
smears the charm with fat, "feeds" it,
and adorns it with sacrificial grass.
In a year of successful
hunt, the charm is
sometimes offered a dog
38
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
Besides the guardian of the settlements, other wooden kamaks, con- sisting
of long, thin tapered poles, are occasionally found in the villages. They
are put up on a rock overlooking the sea, after the whale-hunt, by the owner
of the skin boat the crew of which killed the whale. The duties of this
wooden kamak are to watch the sea, and to attract new whales. Formerly it was
customary to put a collar of sacrificial grass on the charm, and string around
it offerings consisting of pieces of whale-skin and of blubber. Since at
present the Koryak seldom engage in whale-hunting, I did not see any such
decorated posts, but only those
that had been put up long ago.1
There is still another kind of kalaks connected with whale-hunting. These kalaks
are also put up after the whale-hunt; and a man who has killed many whales
has several of these charms. They are of small dimensions, are kept in
the house, and, when the whale-skin is being broiled, are seated or put up
around the fireplace to watch the whale-skin, their tapering ends being driven
into
the ground. The fire on the hearth is regarded as the sea in which floats
the whale-skin, representing the whale. If the whale is not watched, it dives
into the fire, and disappears under ground, and whale-hunting ceases.
During this ceremony these kalaks are adorned with collars of sacrificial grass,
but they are not "fed;" that is, are not smeared with fat, and are
not offered any special food. They must help themselves. There are male and female
kalaks; and when there are many of them, they form a family. In ordinary
times they stand in the shrine set aside for the charms. The form of
these kalaks is not the same in all villages. Since there is no whale- hunting
at present, the charms are not made now; but I found several of them
in Kamenskoye (Va'ikenan) and Talovka (Xe's'xen). They differ in form. In
the village of Kamenskoye they have the shape of sitting figures (Fig. 5, a-d),
and
are usually painted in black: in the settlement of Talovka they have the form
of a stick tapering at both ends, with a slight notch for a neck, with indications
of eyes, and'a line for a mouth (Fig.
5, e).2
Nets'-Kamak-Face. —
This guardian (Ti'ñilat-ka'mak-lõ 3)3 is made to guard the
nets. It helps them to make a great catch, and protects them from the incantations
of wicked people. This guardian is smeared with the blood of sea-animals
and with blubber. It is kept in the usual place set aside for the charm,
and is adorned with sacrificial grass. In winter it is not taken special care
of. Like
the "village guardian" mentioned above,
it is represented as
2
It is interesting to note here that Krasheninnikoff (II, p. 126) speaks
of the Kamchadal having small charms with pointed heads, under the name katide.
They represent the spirits that enter women while they perform
their ritual dances.
3
Kamak-lõ' = kamak + lo' ("face").
It refers to the amulets having a human
or animal face.
39
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
having
only one
hand (Fig. 6),
possibly because
representing the one-sided spirits mentioned in
some tales.
Little Kalaks.
— The little
kalaks (Kala'kpila'qu)
correspond to
the Chukchee Ta'yniqut
1 ("misfortune
protectors"), and
consist of a
string or
|
|
|
Fig. 5 Guardians connected with Whale-Hunting, a-d (70/3249 70/3247 70/3298 70/3248), from Kamenskoye (a,b,height, 10 cm.,; c,d, length of each, 12 cm.); e (70/3230), from Talovka (length, 52 cm.). |
bundle of small figures, which are considered as charms, and correspond some-what to the rosary of the Catholic Church. Fig. 7, a. represents a string of little kalaks made of willow-branches. The forked part is meant for the legs, while the head and face are very crudely indicated. At times forked willow-
40
JOCHELSON, THE
KORYAK.
twigs having a very remote similarity to human figures serve this purpose. They are also called "protectors" (ine'njulanu). However, this latter term is
|
|
applied
to the
entire group
of guardian-charms. The people
usually wear
the little
kalaks attached
to the belt,
when travelling
or hunting
without companions.
The Koryak are afraid to
drive or walk alone through the woods or
in the
wilderness, because they believe that
evil spirits (kalau), which haunt such places in large numbers, may easily
overcome a
lonely traveller. In
such cases the little kalaks
replace fellow-travellers, and serve
as guardians against evil spirits.
Another string of guardians (Fig. 7, b)
contains a small human figure made
of grass, charmed beads representing drums, and wolf's and hare's hair braided with sinew-thread.
The Reindeer Koryak call the string of guardians okka'mak-lõ' ; that
is, "wooden kamak face."1
A snow-beater of antler, with
a handle carved in the form of a raven-beak (Fig. 8), is
also regarded as a fellow-traveller and guardian.
|
|
Fig. 7, a (70/3572 -70/3575), b (70/3628). Strings of "Little Kalaks," or Guardians. Length of figure, 4 cm. |
The-Searching-Kamak-Face. —
This kalak (En'a'yis-ka'mak-lõ', literally "the
searching kamak face") is the special protector of babies. It is usually sewed
to the back of the child's shirt-collar 2 (Fig.
9, a). In the village of Paren
I obtained such a protector attached to a strap (Fig. 9, b), which the
child used
to wear
around the neck,
under the shirt, like a cross; but
1
2
It is
interesting to compare this with the custom of the Eskimo of Baffin
Land, where a woman who
is with child wears an amulet attached to the back of her inner shirt (Boas,
Baffin-Land Eskimo, p. 143); and
among the Central
Eskimo, amulets
are always
worn on
the middle
of the back of the inner jacket (Boas,
Central Eskimo,
p. 592).
41
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
the
figure of the guardian rested on the child's back. Two little bags with fragments
of stone arrow-points were also attached to the strap •, but their meaning is
not clear. The-Searching-Kamak-Face guards, keeps in place, or restores the
child's soul, which may leave the body or go astray.
Small children are
|
|
|
Fig. 8 (70/3540) Snow-Beater serving as Guardian. Length, 54 cm. |
especially
subject to assaults of evil spirits, and the souls frightened by the latter
desert the bodies. When children are asleep, their souls also leave their
bodies, and lose their way. In such cases The-Searching-Kamak-Face catches
them, and puts them back in place.
Although the "searching little charm" is, like the Roman genius, an individual protector of the child that wears it, it is to be regarded as one of the
|
|
|
|
Fig. 9, a (70/2809), b (70/3438). Child's Guardians. Length of a, 10 cm. |
|
family
penates. It is transmitted by inheritance. The older it is, the more powerful
does it become. When a child is born in a family, the charm is taken
off from the older child, and sewed to the clothing of the new-born child.
A new charm is made only in case the family divides.
The Skin Boat and its Charms. — Among the rest of the family deities, the skin boat, as an implement for procuring food, is an important guardian of the family hearth. Being closely linked with the family cult of the Maritime Koryak, the skin boat cannot belong to two households that are not mutually connected by ties of consanguinity. Neither can it be sold, or given tempo- rarily to strangers. As one of the household penates, it is the source f the family's welfare. The owner of the skin boat generally takes along strangers,
6-
JESUP
NORTH PACIFIC
EXPED., VOL. VI.
42
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
from
among those who do not own a boat, to assist him in his hunt; for not all
families are in possession of a skin boat. It is considered a sign of pros- perity
to own one. The assistants get a share of the product, but are regarded simply
as laborers, who work for their master. Sometimes they will give the owner
of the skin boat seal-skins to mend the boat; but these are looked upon
as presents to the owner of the boat, and he may dispose of them in any
manner he may see fit. The first launching of the boat in the spring, and
the last beaching in the fall, when it is to be put away for the winter, are
considered as family festivals among the Maritime
Koryak.
Charmed forked alder-twigs called iklõ"' (sing, i'kla) are prepared in the spring, when the skin boat is launched, and are placed in the prow of the boat (Fig. 10, a). They are the comrades and assistants of the skin boat, and are supposed to attract whales and other sea-animals to it. In the village of Kamenskoye the "guardians" of the whale-skin are also called iklõ.1 On the upper end of
|
|
the
prow
of the boat is a small forked
figure, placed with legs The Ladder. — The ladder which is used for the entrance into the winter house of the Maritime Koryak is also |
|
Fig. 10. Guardians of the Skin Boat. a (70/3400), Forked Alder- Twings representing Guardians in Human Shape (length, 23 cm.); b (70/3240), Attechment to the Prow, represening the Manager of the Boat (length, 20 cm.). |
classed
among the guardians of the house. A crudely carved human face is represented
on the top of the ladder (Fig. 11). It is called Old-Woman (I'n-pa-ña'ut).
This guardian is apparently a woman. The image is also called
Ye'ltitkin;
that is, "the head of the ladder." The ladder is the master of the house-entrance.
It is supposed not to allow any kamaks to get in. When the
house is temporarily deserted, —
for instance, when the people move to
43
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK
their summer dwellings, — the Maritime Koryak pray to the ladder not to let any strangers or ill-meaning people enter the house. In the fall of 1900,
44
JOCHELSON,
THE KORYAK.
of
the dwelling (Yaya'-kamak-lö) is
placed in the shrine (op-yan) and fed on different
occasions.
Divining-Stones. —
The divining-stone plays an important part in the ritualistic
life of the Koryak. Like all the guardians, the divining-stone con- stitutes
a necessary attribute of the family hearth. Divining is practised at all
ceremonies — when a child is given a name, before starting on a journey, after
a death,' during the whale festival, etc. The divining-stone is sewed up
in
a leather'bag (Fig. 15),
and a number of charms are frequently-attached
|
|
|
| Fig. 14, a (70/3378), b (70/3243). Special House Guardians. Length, 25 cm., 27 cm | Fig. 15 (70/8047). Divining- Stone. Total length, 28 cm. |
to
it. When
in use, it is hung on a
stick, a question is put, and the stick is
lifted. If
the stone
does not
move, it means that
the answer is in the negative.
If it swings, it indicates an affirmative answer.
Sometimes two or three
sticks are
tied together,
and the stone is
hung from the point where they
are joined.
By inclining
this support,
the stone
is enabled to swing. Divining-stones
are rounded pebbles picked up on the river-banks, but selected by
experienced men or shamans.
Before they are used, a spell is wrought over them.
The divining-stone is called an'a'pel or an-a'pila'qu ("little
grandmother").
Amulets. —
All objects
over which
incantations are uttered are calle ewya'nwicõ
(ewya'na signifies "conjuring,"
endowing with supernatural power"), and
serve as
amulets. In
this sense, all the Koryak
penates and guardians
45
JOCHELSON, THE KORYAK.
|
are
ewya'nwico. I shall discuss here only those amulets that serve
as individual charms against diseases. To guard against headaches
sometimes a strap and hare's hair are braided in with
the hair of the head (Fig. 16, a). Ordinarily a bead is
attached to it, and a spell is pronounced over it. Fig. 16, 6, represents
a charmed bracelet braided of sinew-thread, hare's |
|
|
|
|
|
Fig. 17, a (70/3578), b (70/3391). Necklaces worn as Charms. |
and
wolf's hair,
with a
bead attached
to it
It. was worn as a
protectection against
rheumatism in the arm. A
similar amulet is represented in
Fig. 17, a.
46
It
is worn around the neck. It consists of a thong braided together with reindeer-hair,
and beads strung on it. Sometimes a guardian representing a human
figure or some animal is appended to such an amulet (Fig.
17,
b).
Tattooing, so far as it is not done as a matter of fashion, is also to be classed
with amulets. Aching parts of the body are tattooed in order to drive away
the pain. Tattooing is thus made to serve as an amulet or guardian. The
design of the tattooing frequently represents a human figure. The method of
tattooing is the following. Pounded charcoal is mixed with oil. A thin sinew
thread twisted with a woman's hair is blackened in it, and then, by means
of a fine needle, is drawn through the skin. This kind of tattooing is called
geti'plin ("pierced"). It is practised on women as well as on men:
while tattooing
as an adornment is practised on women only, and is called lõ'-ke'le ("face-painting").
Some women tattoo the face as a charm against barrenness.
The method of charming amulets and making incantations will be dis- cussed more
fully in the next chapter.1
General Remarks. —
We have seen that the majority of the guardians are
family deities. Only the guardian of the habitation has a tendency to become
a village protectors. On the other hand, only amulets against diseases, and
a certain kind of tattooing, figure as guardians of individuals. All the other
guardians are closely connected with the household fireplace and the welfare
of the family. They cannot be transferred into a family of strangers;
but
they may be temporarily engaged by one or another of the members of the
family.
